Food has multiple meanings, dramatic economic significance, a wide range of qualities, and important health, nutition, and environmental consequences.
The viability of the Houston Area "food system" depends on developing linkages between the individuals, organizations, institutions, and interests that are involved in food.
Monday, December 31, 2007
Friday, August 31, 2007
Import-Export Business: How globalization is smothering U.S. fruit and vegetable farms
By Tom Philpott
Grist Magazine 30 Aug 2007
Earlier this month, President Bush roiled U.S. vegetable farmers by announcing a crackdown on undocumented workers. Last week, industrial-meat giant Smithfield Foods goosed the hog-futures market by inking a deal to export 60 million pounds of U.S.-grown pork to China. These events, unrelated though they seem, illustrate a common point: that despite all the recent fuss around local food, the globalized food system, far from losing strength, continues to gain traction.
The apple doesn't fall far from the tree -- especially if no one's there to pick it.
Unwittingly or not, Bush's move puts a heavy squeeze on large-scale U.S. vegetable growers, and will likely result in more food hauled in from nations with weaker environmental regulations. Smithfield's triumph in China reflects that nation's diminishing food-production capacity -- one of the prices it has paid for its rise to global manufacturing preeminence. As more and more industrially produced food whips around the globe, the result is more pressure on soil and water resources, more greenhouse-gas emissions, and more fertile land made vulnerable to suburban sprawl. In this article and the next, I'll attempt to illuminate how global economic forces shift food production from one place to another, to the detriment of local communities and the environment alike.
Bottom of the Barrel
As U.S. fruit and vegetable farms have scaled up to meet the demands of increasingly large buyers like Wal-Mart, they've come to rely on a steady supply of low-wage and highly flexible workers, willing to toil long hours at peak seasons and make themselves scarce when not needed. Moreover, these mega-farms increasingly specialize in one or two crops, and rely heavily on poisons to keep pests and weeds away. Thus in addition to being poorly paid and monotonous, the work tends to be dangerous -- and undesirable for anyone with other options.
Not surprisingly, according to most estimates, 70 percent of U.S. farmworkers are undocumented, the great bulk of them underground refugees from the devastated rural economies of Mexico and Central America. For several seasons now, fruit and vegetable farmers have had to scramble to find enough workers to harvest their crops. One factor in the labor shortage has been an increasingly militarized border, making it more difficult for would-be workers to cross over. Another has been the building boom, which has lured undocumented workers into higher-paying construction jobs.Thus farmers in production centers like California and Arizona were already tense about the labor situation when Bush rolled out his hodgepodge of measures designed to force farmers (and other employers) to stop relying on undocumented workers. (For the record, as I've written before, I think it's schizophrenic and childish to make a big show of hunting down and deporting the people who feed you.) Farmers across the country quickly cried foul. In New York's Hudson Valley, where workers come from Mexico and Central America, apple growers fear a bumper crop could largely wither on the branches. "We have 3 billion apples to pick this fall and every single one of them has to be picked by hand," one grower told The New York Times. "It's a very labor-intensive industry, and there is no local labor supply that we can draw from, as much as we try. No one locally really wants to pick apples for six weeks in the fall."Down in Arizona -- epicenter of winter vegetable production in the U.S. -- farmers are taking a cue from their peers in Colorado and desperately hiring inmate labor. But an Arizona prison official acknowledged to The Christian Science Monitor that, as in Colorado, inmates can offset only a fraction of the state's farm-labor shortage. Bush's move came at the height of harvest season in California -- source of about half of the fruits and vegetables grown in the U.S. "I'm guessing 80, 90 percent of the ag work force is illegal," one grower told the Associated Press. "Implementing this rule will be catastrophic."
Less Veggies, More Sprawl
In a well-functioning market, farmers would raise wages to draw in more workers, and pass the increased costs on to their buyers: the big supermarkets, restaurant chains, and food processors. But as a California Farm Bureau official told AP, those entities will likely reject domestic price hikes and look to other parts of the world for produce. "If our guys try to raise prices, they are going to be replaced by foreign production," he said. In essence, he's arguing that fruit and vegetable farming, like manufacturing over the past generation, has entered a "race to the bottom": a relentless hunt for cheap labor markets and lax regulatory regimes.Is that just Farm Bureau spin? Not likely. Indeed, the U.S. is already outsourcing an increasing share of its fruit and veg production. As this USDA backgrounder [PDF] from April 2006 shows, the import share of U.S. vegetable consumption has been rising steadily, from about 7 percent in 1990 to 14 percent in 2005. Fruit imports (excluding bananas) as a percentage of consumption have also doubled, rising from 12 percent in 1992-1994 to 24 percent in 2002-2004. Much of that jump can be explained by off-season purchases -- the Chilean-asparagus-in-January effect.
But with marketing relationships and trade infrastructure in place, nothing stops distributors from buying, say, cheaper Mexico-grown lettuce over California product, or New Zealand apples over those grown in New York or Washington. California has already seen its once-huge garlic production dwindle, overwhelmed by a flood of cheap -- and nearly flavorless -- Chinese-grown garlic into the U.S. market. What happens when farmers can no longer work their land profitably? They generally sell it to developers, and land under cultivation succumbs to low-density sprawl. Again, that's already happening in California. In the state's lush Central Valley, home to probably the nation's most valuable territory for growing fruits and vegetables, developers bulldozed 100,000 acres of prime farmland in the 1990s alone, according to American Farmland Trust. If present trends continue, AFT warns, another million acres of farmland could vanish within a generation. Meanwhile, production of the fruits and vegetables we consume shifts to nations with even weaker regulatory regimes than ours, meaning more insecticides and other agricultural chemicals released into the biosphere. And increasing distances mean burning more fossil fuel to haul that suspect bounty from farm to table. While these grand global trends are indeed overwhelming to think about, there's no need to feel disempowered. Get involved with burgeoning movements, nationwide and globally, to rebuild local (and, yes, regional) food systems that don't thrive by exploiting labor and trashing the land.
Meanwhile, while U.S. vegetable farming gets squeezed between labor shortages and global competition, other, less labor-intensive forms of U.S. agriculture -- namely industrial grain and meat production -- thrive in the global marketplace. And that will be the topic of the next column.
Grist contributing writer Tom Philpott farms and cooks at Maverick Farms, a sustainable-agriculture nonprofit and small farm in the Blue Ridge Mountains of North Carolina.
Grist Magazine 30 Aug 2007
Earlier this month, President Bush roiled U.S. vegetable farmers by announcing a crackdown on undocumented workers. Last week, industrial-meat giant Smithfield Foods goosed the hog-futures market by inking a deal to export 60 million pounds of U.S.-grown pork to China. These events, unrelated though they seem, illustrate a common point: that despite all the recent fuss around local food, the globalized food system, far from losing strength, continues to gain traction.
The apple doesn't fall far from the tree -- especially if no one's there to pick it.
Unwittingly or not, Bush's move puts a heavy squeeze on large-scale U.S. vegetable growers, and will likely result in more food hauled in from nations with weaker environmental regulations. Smithfield's triumph in China reflects that nation's diminishing food-production capacity -- one of the prices it has paid for its rise to global manufacturing preeminence. As more and more industrially produced food whips around the globe, the result is more pressure on soil and water resources, more greenhouse-gas emissions, and more fertile land made vulnerable to suburban sprawl. In this article and the next, I'll attempt to illuminate how global economic forces shift food production from one place to another, to the detriment of local communities and the environment alike.
Bottom of the Barrel
As U.S. fruit and vegetable farms have scaled up to meet the demands of increasingly large buyers like Wal-Mart, they've come to rely on a steady supply of low-wage and highly flexible workers, willing to toil long hours at peak seasons and make themselves scarce when not needed. Moreover, these mega-farms increasingly specialize in one or two crops, and rely heavily on poisons to keep pests and weeds away. Thus in addition to being poorly paid and monotonous, the work tends to be dangerous -- and undesirable for anyone with other options.
Not surprisingly, according to most estimates, 70 percent of U.S. farmworkers are undocumented, the great bulk of them underground refugees from the devastated rural economies of Mexico and Central America. For several seasons now, fruit and vegetable farmers have had to scramble to find enough workers to harvest their crops. One factor in the labor shortage has been an increasingly militarized border, making it more difficult for would-be workers to cross over. Another has been the building boom, which has lured undocumented workers into higher-paying construction jobs.Thus farmers in production centers like California and Arizona were already tense about the labor situation when Bush rolled out his hodgepodge of measures designed to force farmers (and other employers) to stop relying on undocumented workers. (For the record, as I've written before, I think it's schizophrenic and childish to make a big show of hunting down and deporting the people who feed you.) Farmers across the country quickly cried foul. In New York's Hudson Valley, where workers come from Mexico and Central America, apple growers fear a bumper crop could largely wither on the branches. "We have 3 billion apples to pick this fall and every single one of them has to be picked by hand," one grower told The New York Times. "It's a very labor-intensive industry, and there is no local labor supply that we can draw from, as much as we try. No one locally really wants to pick apples for six weeks in the fall."Down in Arizona -- epicenter of winter vegetable production in the U.S. -- farmers are taking a cue from their peers in Colorado and desperately hiring inmate labor. But an Arizona prison official acknowledged to The Christian Science Monitor that, as in Colorado, inmates can offset only a fraction of the state's farm-labor shortage. Bush's move came at the height of harvest season in California -- source of about half of the fruits and vegetables grown in the U.S. "I'm guessing 80, 90 percent of the ag work force is illegal," one grower told the Associated Press. "Implementing this rule will be catastrophic."
Less Veggies, More Sprawl
In a well-functioning market, farmers would raise wages to draw in more workers, and pass the increased costs on to their buyers: the big supermarkets, restaurant chains, and food processors. But as a California Farm Bureau official told AP, those entities will likely reject domestic price hikes and look to other parts of the world for produce. "If our guys try to raise prices, they are going to be replaced by foreign production," he said. In essence, he's arguing that fruit and vegetable farming, like manufacturing over the past generation, has entered a "race to the bottom": a relentless hunt for cheap labor markets and lax regulatory regimes.Is that just Farm Bureau spin? Not likely. Indeed, the U.S. is already outsourcing an increasing share of its fruit and veg production. As this USDA backgrounder [PDF] from April 2006 shows, the import share of U.S. vegetable consumption has been rising steadily, from about 7 percent in 1990 to 14 percent in 2005. Fruit imports (excluding bananas) as a percentage of consumption have also doubled, rising from 12 percent in 1992-1994 to 24 percent in 2002-2004. Much of that jump can be explained by off-season purchases -- the Chilean-asparagus-in-January effect.
But with marketing relationships and trade infrastructure in place, nothing stops distributors from buying, say, cheaper Mexico-grown lettuce over California product, or New Zealand apples over those grown in New York or Washington. California has already seen its once-huge garlic production dwindle, overwhelmed by a flood of cheap -- and nearly flavorless -- Chinese-grown garlic into the U.S. market. What happens when farmers can no longer work their land profitably? They generally sell it to developers, and land under cultivation succumbs to low-density sprawl. Again, that's already happening in California. In the state's lush Central Valley, home to probably the nation's most valuable territory for growing fruits and vegetables, developers bulldozed 100,000 acres of prime farmland in the 1990s alone, according to American Farmland Trust. If present trends continue, AFT warns, another million acres of farmland could vanish within a generation. Meanwhile, production of the fruits and vegetables we consume shifts to nations with even weaker regulatory regimes than ours, meaning more insecticides and other agricultural chemicals released into the biosphere. And increasing distances mean burning more fossil fuel to haul that suspect bounty from farm to table. While these grand global trends are indeed overwhelming to think about, there's no need to feel disempowered. Get involved with burgeoning movements, nationwide and globally, to rebuild local (and, yes, regional) food systems that don't thrive by exploiting labor and trashing the land.
Meanwhile, while U.S. vegetable farming gets squeezed between labor shortages and global competition, other, less labor-intensive forms of U.S. agriculture -- namely industrial grain and meat production -- thrive in the global marketplace. And that will be the topic of the next column.
Grist contributing writer Tom Philpott farms and cooks at Maverick Farms, a sustainable-agriculture nonprofit and small farm in the Blue Ridge Mountains of North Carolina.
Wednesday, August 29, 2007
China food safety woes show U.S. vulnerability
It's not what you eat but where it comes from
By Emre Peker, Medill News Service
Last Update: 12:01 AM ET Aug 29, 2007
WASHINGTON (MarketWatch) -- First, back in 2006, the U.S. Food and Drug Administration banned Chinese honey that was found to be contaminated with potentially harmful antibiotics. Then, in May of this year, the FDA traced a tainted supply of pet food to a Chinese supplier of wheat gluten. A month later, the agency added shrimp, catfish and eel to its growing list of Chinese imports that are threatening consumer safety.
Despite all these headlines and the ensuing flurry of finger-pointing on Capitol Hill, China is not the worst offender: It ranks third behind Mexico and India among countries whose products have been refused by the FDA, the government agency responsible for safeguarding about 80% of America's food supply. The Department of Agriculture is responsible for regulating the other 20%, specifically meat, poultry and processed egg products.
Federal agencies have the power to detain and ban imports, and lawmakers have promised to take action to better safeguard the country's food supply. However, the recent spate of Chinese food safety breaches highlights a new problem: As domestic consumption of imported food rises and foreign produce enters the U.S. from more than 300 ports, the FDA's capacity to monitor import safety simply cannot keep up.
"More and more of these imports are coming from developing nations, which don't have strong regulatory systems," said William Hubbard, former associate commissioner of the FDA, in an interview with MarketWatch. "Today you have food coming in huge volumes from hundreds of countries and many different types of food... The world has changed radically ... [and] these changes pose a problem."
America's reliance on imported food grew by more than 30% over 10 years, with imports reaching 15% of total food consumption in 2005, according to a July report by the Congressional Research Service. The report also showed the amount of Chinese food exports to the U.S. more than tripled from 1996 to 2006 to 1.8 million metric tons, enough food to feed about 2 million Americans for a whole year.
Meanwhile, the FDA, by its own numbers, inspected 1% or less of all incoming products in 2006, down from 1.7% in 1996.
Over the past year, the FDA has come under increased scrutiny for failing to protect the national food supply. Even before China made headlines with unsafe products, consumers also heard warnings about contamination of domestically produced spinach, lettuce and peanut butter, all of which were recalled.
"It's just suddenly coming to the fore that we have problems [and] that we have to drastically revise our systems," said Jean Halloran, director of food policy initiatives at Consumers Union.
"Frankly, I don't want to rely on [self-policing] -- it only works when there is some enforcement."
Unsafe food takes a significant toll on the public. Each year, nearly 76 million Americans contract food-borne diseases, about 325,000 require hospitalization and about 5,000 die, according to a Government Accountability Office report released in February.
The GAO characterized the nation's food safety system as "high risk," noting "inconsistent oversight, ineffective coordination and inefficient use of resources." Adding to these problems are the changing nature of and the increasing dependence on food imports to the U.S.
Take, for example, wheat gluten, a high-protein product used in baked goods, vegetarian fake meat, pet foods, chicken nuggets, turkey burgers and imitation crabmeat. The U.S. imports 80% of the wheat gluten it consumes, including 14% from China. Also consider a product banned in the U.S.: melamine, which can enhance the protein content of animal feed but is digestible only by animals with more than one stomach, such as cows.
Two Chinese companies used melamine to boost the protein content of wheat gluten, which was sold to the U.S. and ended up in American-produced pet food. The FDA said it received more than 17,000 related consumer complaints related to the contamination, including the reported deaths of more than 4,000 cats and dogs.
"There are definitely times when things happen we don't expect," said Dr. David Acheson, recently appointed as the FDA's assistant commissioner for food protection. "Melamine in wheat gluten was an example of that. We did not consider wheat gluten to be a high-risk product."
In today's global food chain, the FDA's inspection of only one in 100 imports may not be enough to identify unexpected problems. Acheson maintains that the solution is not a higher number of inspections, but "more sophisticated and smarter" inspections. However, some trade partners still manage to get by with a little punishment, some happenstance and a bit of cunning.
In one instance, a government investigation found that after the FDA banned toothpaste from certain Chinese exporters for containing a deadly ingredient substituted to cut costs, brokers continued to import the item under the guise of a toothbrush, which was combined with the original product.
The ongoing entry of substandard products to the U.S. illustrates the holes in America's food safety net, but lawmakers and the FDA have different ideas for fixing it.
Incensed by the continued news of contaminated imports, Congress took action this year. Lawmakers held hearings, introduced legislation and even considered food's vulnerability to terrorist plots.
"The recent series of tainted food recalls has focused America's attention on the sorry state of federal oversight of the domestic food supply," said House Energy and Commerce Committee Chairman John Dingell, D-Mich. "This must change."
On the other hand, the FDA is calling for "enhanced collaboration" with foreign countries and "industry vigilance." The FDA proposal contained a controversial clause that would close seven of its 13 field laboratories over two years and consolidate its operations in six centrally controlled super labs, but that was recently withdrawn after consumer groups and lawmakers said the measure would further limit the agency's oversight capabilities.
The agency's proposal, which stresses risk assessment and stronger scientific analysis, came under fire during a House committee food safety hearing in July.
"The administration thinks that a leaner and meaner system is going to protect American consumers, but in fact it puts them at greater risk," said Dingell, who came out with a draft food safety bill before Congress went on recess in August.
Of the FDA proposal, Acheson said, "The goal is to test more products, to test it faster and to test it more efficiently and therefore cheaper. The shift here for the agency is trying to move more from being reactive, more to being proactive in terms of preventing the problems in the first place."
The FDA has field employees in about 90 ports of entry, about a quarter of all ports that receive agency-regulated imports. The government investigation found that during a typical day in the FDA's San Francisco office, which the agency wants to close, a safety reviewer would check about 1,000 entries -- or about one entry line every 30 seconds. It also said a single entry of Chinese herbs can take more than one hour to review.
Dingell's draft bill calls for charging manufacturers and importers user fees of about $500 million a year, restricting entries to ports in metropolitan areas with FDA labs, barring the agency's lab closures and consolidations, boosting civil fines and creating a certification system that would require foreign producers to meet U.S. standards. Committee staffers said the draft legislation would be finalized and introduced in the fall.
Other lawmakers have put forth similar bills, two of which aim to create a Food Safety Administration that would consolidate the review process in one agency.
Hubbard, the former FDA assistant commissioner who is now a senior adviser at the Coalition for a Stronger FDA, sees the creation of a single agency as unlikely and instead advocates strengthening the FDA -- fast.
"This isn't just a China issue. There are lots of other developing countries that are sending food to us," Hubbard said. "There's a long way to go, and Congress doesn't seem to be in much of a hurry to get there."
By Emre Peker, Medill News Service
Last Update: 12:01 AM ET Aug 29, 2007
WASHINGTON (MarketWatch) -- First, back in 2006, the U.S. Food and Drug Administration banned Chinese honey that was found to be contaminated with potentially harmful antibiotics. Then, in May of this year, the FDA traced a tainted supply of pet food to a Chinese supplier of wheat gluten. A month later, the agency added shrimp, catfish and eel to its growing list of Chinese imports that are threatening consumer safety.
Despite all these headlines and the ensuing flurry of finger-pointing on Capitol Hill, China is not the worst offender: It ranks third behind Mexico and India among countries whose products have been refused by the FDA, the government agency responsible for safeguarding about 80% of America's food supply. The Department of Agriculture is responsible for regulating the other 20%, specifically meat, poultry and processed egg products.
Federal agencies have the power to detain and ban imports, and lawmakers have promised to take action to better safeguard the country's food supply. However, the recent spate of Chinese food safety breaches highlights a new problem: As domestic consumption of imported food rises and foreign produce enters the U.S. from more than 300 ports, the FDA's capacity to monitor import safety simply cannot keep up.
"More and more of these imports are coming from developing nations, which don't have strong regulatory systems," said William Hubbard, former associate commissioner of the FDA, in an interview with MarketWatch. "Today you have food coming in huge volumes from hundreds of countries and many different types of food... The world has changed radically ... [and] these changes pose a problem."
America's reliance on imported food grew by more than 30% over 10 years, with imports reaching 15% of total food consumption in 2005, according to a July report by the Congressional Research Service. The report also showed the amount of Chinese food exports to the U.S. more than tripled from 1996 to 2006 to 1.8 million metric tons, enough food to feed about 2 million Americans for a whole year.
Meanwhile, the FDA, by its own numbers, inspected 1% or less of all incoming products in 2006, down from 1.7% in 1996.
Over the past year, the FDA has come under increased scrutiny for failing to protect the national food supply. Even before China made headlines with unsafe products, consumers also heard warnings about contamination of domestically produced spinach, lettuce and peanut butter, all of which were recalled.
"It's just suddenly coming to the fore that we have problems [and] that we have to drastically revise our systems," said Jean Halloran, director of food policy initiatives at Consumers Union.
"Frankly, I don't want to rely on [self-policing] -- it only works when there is some enforcement."
Unsafe food takes a significant toll on the public. Each year, nearly 76 million Americans contract food-borne diseases, about 325,000 require hospitalization and about 5,000 die, according to a Government Accountability Office report released in February.
The GAO characterized the nation's food safety system as "high risk," noting "inconsistent oversight, ineffective coordination and inefficient use of resources." Adding to these problems are the changing nature of and the increasing dependence on food imports to the U.S.
Take, for example, wheat gluten, a high-protein product used in baked goods, vegetarian fake meat, pet foods, chicken nuggets, turkey burgers and imitation crabmeat. The U.S. imports 80% of the wheat gluten it consumes, including 14% from China. Also consider a product banned in the U.S.: melamine, which can enhance the protein content of animal feed but is digestible only by animals with more than one stomach, such as cows.
Two Chinese companies used melamine to boost the protein content of wheat gluten, which was sold to the U.S. and ended up in American-produced pet food. The FDA said it received more than 17,000 related consumer complaints related to the contamination, including the reported deaths of more than 4,000 cats and dogs.
"There are definitely times when things happen we don't expect," said Dr. David Acheson, recently appointed as the FDA's assistant commissioner for food protection. "Melamine in wheat gluten was an example of that. We did not consider wheat gluten to be a high-risk product."
In today's global food chain, the FDA's inspection of only one in 100 imports may not be enough to identify unexpected problems. Acheson maintains that the solution is not a higher number of inspections, but "more sophisticated and smarter" inspections. However, some trade partners still manage to get by with a little punishment, some happenstance and a bit of cunning.
In one instance, a government investigation found that after the FDA banned toothpaste from certain Chinese exporters for containing a deadly ingredient substituted to cut costs, brokers continued to import the item under the guise of a toothbrush, which was combined with the original product.
The ongoing entry of substandard products to the U.S. illustrates the holes in America's food safety net, but lawmakers and the FDA have different ideas for fixing it.
Incensed by the continued news of contaminated imports, Congress took action this year. Lawmakers held hearings, introduced legislation and even considered food's vulnerability to terrorist plots.
"The recent series of tainted food recalls has focused America's attention on the sorry state of federal oversight of the domestic food supply," said House Energy and Commerce Committee Chairman John Dingell, D-Mich. "This must change."
On the other hand, the FDA is calling for "enhanced collaboration" with foreign countries and "industry vigilance." The FDA proposal contained a controversial clause that would close seven of its 13 field laboratories over two years and consolidate its operations in six centrally controlled super labs, but that was recently withdrawn after consumer groups and lawmakers said the measure would further limit the agency's oversight capabilities.
The agency's proposal, which stresses risk assessment and stronger scientific analysis, came under fire during a House committee food safety hearing in July.
"The administration thinks that a leaner and meaner system is going to protect American consumers, but in fact it puts them at greater risk," said Dingell, who came out with a draft food safety bill before Congress went on recess in August.
Of the FDA proposal, Acheson said, "The goal is to test more products, to test it faster and to test it more efficiently and therefore cheaper. The shift here for the agency is trying to move more from being reactive, more to being proactive in terms of preventing the problems in the first place."
The FDA has field employees in about 90 ports of entry, about a quarter of all ports that receive agency-regulated imports. The government investigation found that during a typical day in the FDA's San Francisco office, which the agency wants to close, a safety reviewer would check about 1,000 entries -- or about one entry line every 30 seconds. It also said a single entry of Chinese herbs can take more than one hour to review.
Dingell's draft bill calls for charging manufacturers and importers user fees of about $500 million a year, restricting entries to ports in metropolitan areas with FDA labs, barring the agency's lab closures and consolidations, boosting civil fines and creating a certification system that would require foreign producers to meet U.S. standards. Committee staffers said the draft legislation would be finalized and introduced in the fall.
Other lawmakers have put forth similar bills, two of which aim to create a Food Safety Administration that would consolidate the review process in one agency.
Hubbard, the former FDA assistant commissioner who is now a senior adviser at the Coalition for a Stronger FDA, sees the creation of a single agency as unlikely and instead advocates strengthening the FDA -- fast.
"This isn't just a China issue. There are lots of other developing countries that are sending food to us," Hubbard said. "There's a long way to go, and Congress doesn't seem to be in much of a hurry to get there."
Thursday, August 23, 2007
The Geography of Flavor
Bringing a European Idea Down to Earth: Producers, Farmers Pin Hopes on the Appeal of 'Terroir'
By Jane Black, Washington Post Staff Writer, Wednesday, August 22, 2007; F01
It was a risky move back in 2004 for Arlin Wasserman to launch his Minneapolis consultancy, Changing Tastes. His expertise: the esoteric concept of "terroir," a French term that literally translates as terrain but has come to mean the way foods and wine express the soil, climate, culture and tradition of a region. His proposition: show farmers and manufacturers how to sell food based not on price, but on where it comes from and how it is grown.
Americans are familiar with Vidalia onions, Idaho potatoes and Florida oranges. But even in gourmet circles, "people didn't know what 'terroir' meant," Wasserman recalled. "So we had to start to use words that made sense to businesses, like 'identity preservation' or 'geographic identity.' "
Google didn't seem to know what Wasserman was talking about, either. Back then, a search for the term "terroir" turned up almost no results, prompting the search engine to ask whether users had misspelled "terror."
Three years later, Wasserman has a growing roster of clients, from General Mills to a co-op of Amish goat and lamb farmers, as well as a group of Minnesota artisans with a line of charcuterie, preserves and wild rice dishes in the works. Similar projects are taking shape across the country. On Lummi Island, off the coast of Washington, salmon fishermen have formed a co-op to sell local sockeye salmon caught in reef nets, a traditional Native American method. Researchers in Iowa have done feasibility studies on bringing back the Muscatine melon (see "Certified Levels of Terroir," Page F6), a variety of cantaloupe that owes its juicy fragrance to the sandy soil on the banks of the Mississippi, and I-80 beef, ultra-marbled steaks from the northwest corner of the state.
Terroir may sound like just another opportunity for elite gourmets to one-up one another at dinner parties. But Wasserman is at the cutting edge of a new trend to bring the concept into everyday conversation and into the neighborhood grocery store.
Terroir has the potential to promote a variety of interests in ways that simple origin labeling, as with Vidalia onions, can't. Farmers believe that the focus on growing conditions and production methods will make their products stand out in a market where low prices reign supreme.
Economists see terroir as a device to help restore and protect rural communities; if farmers can earn more money, they're more likely to stay on the land. Others believe that promoting terroir could help quell fears about food safety.
The one group that has yet to embrace the concept, however, is the American consumer. Just say terroir (pronounced tare-WAHR) and, even at Whole Foods Market, you're likely to get a blank stare. "Where it comes from doesn't fit into how we think about food," said Amy Trubek, a University of Vermont professor of anthropology and author of the upcoming book "The Taste of Place: Food, Culture and the Pleasures of Terroir."
That's not the case in Europe, where consumers understand that champagne owes its finesse to double fermentation of the wine and the cool climate of the Champagne region of France. Much of the credit goes to European governments, which have stepped up to define, and protect, unique growing areas.
The first protected region in Europe dates to 1855, when Napoleon III established the Grand Crus areas of Bordeaux. Later, other wine regions were recognized, as were areas of traditional food production, such as Parma, which produces prosciutto, and Modena, which is famed for its balsamic vinegar. In 1992, the European Union introduced regulations to protect these so-called designations of origin. Over the past 15 years, the E.U. has identified 746 place-based foods.
Such traditions, and the bureaucracies that protect them, were never established in America. Indeed, the U.S. government remains locked in a battle with the E.U. over its demand that American producers refrain from using product names such as "feta," which by E.U. law is made only in Greece, and "champagne."
"We went to the Industrialized Age almost immediately," Trubek said. "We never had cute little towns with wine-and-cheese traditions. The American experience is all about expansion, to make it bigger, to keep moving."
Two hundred years later, an unlikely coalition is joining forces to invent American tradition by linking foods to the places they come from and, like American winemakers before them, to romance. Their hope is to offer a counterbalance to the commodity mentality that a strawberry from California is interchangeable with one grown in Florida.
Studies show that the strategy can be profitable. According to a May 2004 survey conducted by the Leopold Center for Sustainable Agriculture at Iowa State University, 56 percent of respondents were willing to pay at least 10 percent more for a place-based food, or "produit du terroir." The survey also revealed that 65 percent of respondents preferred products that would give farmers a higher percentage of profits than processors, distributors and retailers.
The theory has borne out for fishermen on Lummi Island. Five years ago, they formed a co-op and agreed to catch salmon with reef nets. The contraptions, a modernized version of a Native American invention, consist of an artificial underwater reef made of plastic ribbons. Fishermen stand on tall towers above the water and watch for salmon to swim into the reef, then pull up the nets, spilling the fish into an underwater pen in the boat's center. The fish are then moved into a separate tank, where their gills are cut and they swim slowly to their deaths.
It sounds cruel, but Lummi Island fishermen claim it's far less stressful than contemporary methods in which fish die full of adrenaline, struggling for breath on the deck of a commercial fishing vessel. "Reef-net fish have this amazing flavor," co-op member Ian Kirouac said. "We wanted to identify ourselves with a strong sense of place. There's a big difference between what we do and what other people do. "
By advertising their technique and the place of origin, this Lummi Island co-op has been able to command a premium for its fish, both from retailers and restaurant clients. Commodity sockeye salmon sell for about $3.25 a pound wholesale, while Lummi Island's fetch as much as $5.25 per pound.
Across the country, Vermont maple syrup producers are exploring how terroir can make their product stand out in a crowded marketplace. Led by Trubek, a team of researchers initiated a program in 2006 to test whether a syrup made from trees sitting on limestone bedrock has a flavor distinctly different from syrup made from trees growing on shale or schist. The researchers have yet to report on their findings, but the Vermont Department of Agriculture is paying close attention.
Cheaper Canadian syrups are now widely available. Many are made using reverse-osmosis technology that drastically reduces the amount of time the syrup needs to be boiled. The result, said Henry Markres, the agency's chief of consumer protection and official maple specialist, is that they taste simply sweet rather than maple-y. "People used to just accept that Vermont maple syrup was the best in the world," Markres said. "Anything we can do to quantify the uniqueness of Vermont will help."
Rural economists looking for alternatives to commodity crops for Midwestern farmers have watched such projects with interest and have conducted research to determine which heartland foods might have broad appeal. For example, researchers at Iowa State University assessed the potential for I-80 beef, terroir-based corn-fed beef from the ranches along Interstate 80, in answer to Japanese customers' clamoring for juicier, more marbled steaks. The project established such feeding standards as a minimum of 180 days on a diet of corn and documented how ranchers could distribute the product and protect the brand.
The project hasn't taken off -- yet. Spurred by fears of mad cow disease, Japan banned imports of American beef a second time in January. "The ideas of what could be profitable shifted," said Rich Pirog, associate director of Iowa State's Leopold Center. "Terroir is a harder sell here than it was a few years ago."
Still, Pirog thinks the concept will slowly become a part of the Midwest's agricultural landscape. Agritourism gives the concept a boost; if you taste a great farmstead cheese in Wisconsin, you're likely to seek it out back at home.
Concerns about food safety will be a motivating factor, too. "There is a demand from consumers who want to know where their food comes from. Place-based foods offer that kind of transparency," Pirog said.
The final driver, ironically, is globalization. "Our farmers are competing in a global market, and everyone else is using the concept to their advantage," said Gary Nabhan, co-founder of Slow Food's Renewing America's Food Tradition program. He cited the success of French cheesemakers, Mexican tequila distillers and Egyptian date and olive growers.
Even here at home: In May, Napa and the Napa Valley became the first American wine regions to be recognized by the E.U.
By Jane Black, Washington Post Staff Writer, Wednesday, August 22, 2007; F01
It was a risky move back in 2004 for Arlin Wasserman to launch his Minneapolis consultancy, Changing Tastes. His expertise: the esoteric concept of "terroir," a French term that literally translates as terrain but has come to mean the way foods and wine express the soil, climate, culture and tradition of a region. His proposition: show farmers and manufacturers how to sell food based not on price, but on where it comes from and how it is grown.
Americans are familiar with Vidalia onions, Idaho potatoes and Florida oranges. But even in gourmet circles, "people didn't know what 'terroir' meant," Wasserman recalled. "So we had to start to use words that made sense to businesses, like 'identity preservation' or 'geographic identity.' "
Google didn't seem to know what Wasserman was talking about, either. Back then, a search for the term "terroir" turned up almost no results, prompting the search engine to ask whether users had misspelled "terror."
Three years later, Wasserman has a growing roster of clients, from General Mills to a co-op of Amish goat and lamb farmers, as well as a group of Minnesota artisans with a line of charcuterie, preserves and wild rice dishes in the works. Similar projects are taking shape across the country. On Lummi Island, off the coast of Washington, salmon fishermen have formed a co-op to sell local sockeye salmon caught in reef nets, a traditional Native American method. Researchers in Iowa have done feasibility studies on bringing back the Muscatine melon (see "Certified Levels of Terroir," Page F6), a variety of cantaloupe that owes its juicy fragrance to the sandy soil on the banks of the Mississippi, and I-80 beef, ultra-marbled steaks from the northwest corner of the state.
Terroir may sound like just another opportunity for elite gourmets to one-up one another at dinner parties. But Wasserman is at the cutting edge of a new trend to bring the concept into everyday conversation and into the neighborhood grocery store.
Terroir has the potential to promote a variety of interests in ways that simple origin labeling, as with Vidalia onions, can't. Farmers believe that the focus on growing conditions and production methods will make their products stand out in a market where low prices reign supreme.
Economists see terroir as a device to help restore and protect rural communities; if farmers can earn more money, they're more likely to stay on the land. Others believe that promoting terroir could help quell fears about food safety.
The one group that has yet to embrace the concept, however, is the American consumer. Just say terroir (pronounced tare-WAHR) and, even at Whole Foods Market, you're likely to get a blank stare. "Where it comes from doesn't fit into how we think about food," said Amy Trubek, a University of Vermont professor of anthropology and author of the upcoming book "The Taste of Place: Food, Culture and the Pleasures of Terroir."
That's not the case in Europe, where consumers understand that champagne owes its finesse to double fermentation of the wine and the cool climate of the Champagne region of France. Much of the credit goes to European governments, which have stepped up to define, and protect, unique growing areas.
The first protected region in Europe dates to 1855, when Napoleon III established the Grand Crus areas of Bordeaux. Later, other wine regions were recognized, as were areas of traditional food production, such as Parma, which produces prosciutto, and Modena, which is famed for its balsamic vinegar. In 1992, the European Union introduced regulations to protect these so-called designations of origin. Over the past 15 years, the E.U. has identified 746 place-based foods.
Such traditions, and the bureaucracies that protect them, were never established in America. Indeed, the U.S. government remains locked in a battle with the E.U. over its demand that American producers refrain from using product names such as "feta," which by E.U. law is made only in Greece, and "champagne."
"We went to the Industrialized Age almost immediately," Trubek said. "We never had cute little towns with wine-and-cheese traditions. The American experience is all about expansion, to make it bigger, to keep moving."
Two hundred years later, an unlikely coalition is joining forces to invent American tradition by linking foods to the places they come from and, like American winemakers before them, to romance. Their hope is to offer a counterbalance to the commodity mentality that a strawberry from California is interchangeable with one grown in Florida.
Studies show that the strategy can be profitable. According to a May 2004 survey conducted by the Leopold Center for Sustainable Agriculture at Iowa State University, 56 percent of respondents were willing to pay at least 10 percent more for a place-based food, or "produit du terroir." The survey also revealed that 65 percent of respondents preferred products that would give farmers a higher percentage of profits than processors, distributors and retailers.
The theory has borne out for fishermen on Lummi Island. Five years ago, they formed a co-op and agreed to catch salmon with reef nets. The contraptions, a modernized version of a Native American invention, consist of an artificial underwater reef made of plastic ribbons. Fishermen stand on tall towers above the water and watch for salmon to swim into the reef, then pull up the nets, spilling the fish into an underwater pen in the boat's center. The fish are then moved into a separate tank, where their gills are cut and they swim slowly to their deaths.
It sounds cruel, but Lummi Island fishermen claim it's far less stressful than contemporary methods in which fish die full of adrenaline, struggling for breath on the deck of a commercial fishing vessel. "Reef-net fish have this amazing flavor," co-op member Ian Kirouac said. "We wanted to identify ourselves with a strong sense of place. There's a big difference between what we do and what other people do. "
By advertising their technique and the place of origin, this Lummi Island co-op has been able to command a premium for its fish, both from retailers and restaurant clients. Commodity sockeye salmon sell for about $3.25 a pound wholesale, while Lummi Island's fetch as much as $5.25 per pound.
Across the country, Vermont maple syrup producers are exploring how terroir can make their product stand out in a crowded marketplace. Led by Trubek, a team of researchers initiated a program in 2006 to test whether a syrup made from trees sitting on limestone bedrock has a flavor distinctly different from syrup made from trees growing on shale or schist. The researchers have yet to report on their findings, but the Vermont Department of Agriculture is paying close attention.
Cheaper Canadian syrups are now widely available. Many are made using reverse-osmosis technology that drastically reduces the amount of time the syrup needs to be boiled. The result, said Henry Markres, the agency's chief of consumer protection and official maple specialist, is that they taste simply sweet rather than maple-y. "People used to just accept that Vermont maple syrup was the best in the world," Markres said. "Anything we can do to quantify the uniqueness of Vermont will help."
Rural economists looking for alternatives to commodity crops for Midwestern farmers have watched such projects with interest and have conducted research to determine which heartland foods might have broad appeal. For example, researchers at Iowa State University assessed the potential for I-80 beef, terroir-based corn-fed beef from the ranches along Interstate 80, in answer to Japanese customers' clamoring for juicier, more marbled steaks. The project established such feeding standards as a minimum of 180 days on a diet of corn and documented how ranchers could distribute the product and protect the brand.
The project hasn't taken off -- yet. Spurred by fears of mad cow disease, Japan banned imports of American beef a second time in January. "The ideas of what could be profitable shifted," said Rich Pirog, associate director of Iowa State's Leopold Center. "Terroir is a harder sell here than it was a few years ago."
Still, Pirog thinks the concept will slowly become a part of the Midwest's agricultural landscape. Agritourism gives the concept a boost; if you taste a great farmstead cheese in Wisconsin, you're likely to seek it out back at home.
Concerns about food safety will be a motivating factor, too. "There is a demand from consumers who want to know where their food comes from. Place-based foods offer that kind of transparency," Pirog said.
The final driver, ironically, is globalization. "Our farmers are competing in a global market, and everyone else is using the concept to their advantage," said Gary Nabhan, co-founder of Slow Food's Renewing America's Food Tradition program. He cited the success of French cheesemakers, Mexican tequila distillers and Egyptian date and olive growers.
Even here at home: In May, Napa and the Napa Valley became the first American wine regions to be recognized by the E.U.
Tuesday, August 21, 2007
Houston's ethnic food stores monitored for safety
As immigrant population grows, so do the imports of exotic edibles
August 21, 2007
By JAMES PINKERTON Copyright 2007 Houston Chronicle
Federal food cops in Houston are used to confiscating bizarre concoctions.
In the past year they've seized earthworms from China and untreated lentils from India. And they're still talking about the 2,000 pounds of duck and chicken feet illegally shipped to Houston from Vietnam.
As the immigrant community in Houston continues to expand, so does the number of local ethnic markets where exotic — and sometimes contaminated or untreated — food products are sold, authorities say.
''Without a doubt as the immigrant population grows, we've seen more and more ethnic markets and more imported food come in," said Tom Baker, who supervises Houston inspectors assigned to a component of the U.S. Department of Agriculture. They focus on smuggling, interdiction and trade compliance. ''Our group has found significant amounts of prohibited food commodities in ethnic markets in the last year."
Baker said his agents monitor more than 1,000 ethnic markets in Houston and surrounding counties, where merchants from Asia, Latin America, Africa, the Middle East and Europe sell specialty products to immigrants hungry for a taste of home.
The focus on ethnic outlets has increased in the wake of a series of recalls that began this spring when a chemical used to make plastic was found in pet food imported from China. Other recalls of Chinese products include tainted toothpaste, seafood treated with antibiotics and toys decorated with lead-based paint.
Carolyn Gray, chief sanitarian for the city of Houston's health department, said some of the city's 42 food inspectors speak Chinese or Vietnamese to help monitor ethnic food markets.
Earlier this month, the head of the Food and Drug Administration said more food inspectors will be hired. It was disclosed that less than 1 percent of imported food shipments are inspected.
Removing productsSeveral merchants, including Bill Chu, owner of the Welcome Food Center on Bellaire Boulevard, said products are quickly removed if government food officials say they could be contaminated.
''I'm not going to be so greedy to make one or two bucks and let someone eat something that will hurt them," said Chu.
Officials said most of the tainted food is seized at larger, mainstream grocery outlets because of the sheer volume of products sold there.
There are 14,000 licensed food vendors in Houston, including grocery stores, restaurants, gas stations and school cafeterias, and all must be inspected at least once a year, she said.
City inspectors work closely with USDA and FDA inspectors assigned to Houston, Gray said.
Some of Houston's ethnic markets commit food safety violations, Gray said, especially in failing to store certain food at 41 degrees or cooler in walk-in freezers. She said seizures of questionable food are a weekly occurrence.
Atul Shah, a manager at the India Mart on Hillcroft, said some brands of spices and commodities recently have become difficult to obtain from suppliers.
He suspects they may have been placed on lists of products not allowed into the country.
''Some things are not coming in, and I don't know why," Shah said, adding that no products have been removed from his store by authorities.
Local consumers, including several at Welcome Food on Bellaire, expressed confidence in the products sold at ethnic markets.
Oisheng Zhang, a 23-year-old University of Houston senior, said he has never had a problem with products he's purchased in nearly five years as a customer.
''If I see half of the shelves empty one day, I may get worried," he said.
Preservation is keyDan Sowards, a food safety officer for the Texas Department of State Health Services, said ethnic markets can pose more of a sanitation hazard because of the way some imported products are processed.
But he said just because a product is exotic, it doesn't mean it is tainted or unsafe.
''You might find dried bats in a Nigerian store, or fried ants," Sowards said.
''You'll find all kinds of things, but they're not necessarily contaminated. ... It depends on how they've been been handled."
Determining if food safety practices at ethnic markets are better or worse than other food establishments is difficult because sanitation inspections are not broken down by ethnicity, Harris County and Houston health department officials explained.
james.pinkerton@chron.com
August 21, 2007
By JAMES PINKERTON Copyright 2007 Houston Chronicle
Federal food cops in Houston are used to confiscating bizarre concoctions.
In the past year they've seized earthworms from China and untreated lentils from India. And they're still talking about the 2,000 pounds of duck and chicken feet illegally shipped to Houston from Vietnam.
As the immigrant community in Houston continues to expand, so does the number of local ethnic markets where exotic — and sometimes contaminated or untreated — food products are sold, authorities say.
''Without a doubt as the immigrant population grows, we've seen more and more ethnic markets and more imported food come in," said Tom Baker, who supervises Houston inspectors assigned to a component of the U.S. Department of Agriculture. They focus on smuggling, interdiction and trade compliance. ''Our group has found significant amounts of prohibited food commodities in ethnic markets in the last year."
Baker said his agents monitor more than 1,000 ethnic markets in Houston and surrounding counties, where merchants from Asia, Latin America, Africa, the Middle East and Europe sell specialty products to immigrants hungry for a taste of home.
The focus on ethnic outlets has increased in the wake of a series of recalls that began this spring when a chemical used to make plastic was found in pet food imported from China. Other recalls of Chinese products include tainted toothpaste, seafood treated with antibiotics and toys decorated with lead-based paint.
Carolyn Gray, chief sanitarian for the city of Houston's health department, said some of the city's 42 food inspectors speak Chinese or Vietnamese to help monitor ethnic food markets.
Earlier this month, the head of the Food and Drug Administration said more food inspectors will be hired. It was disclosed that less than 1 percent of imported food shipments are inspected.
Removing productsSeveral merchants, including Bill Chu, owner of the Welcome Food Center on Bellaire Boulevard, said products are quickly removed if government food officials say they could be contaminated.
''I'm not going to be so greedy to make one or two bucks and let someone eat something that will hurt them," said Chu.
Officials said most of the tainted food is seized at larger, mainstream grocery outlets because of the sheer volume of products sold there.
There are 14,000 licensed food vendors in Houston, including grocery stores, restaurants, gas stations and school cafeterias, and all must be inspected at least once a year, she said.
City inspectors work closely with USDA and FDA inspectors assigned to Houston, Gray said.
Some of Houston's ethnic markets commit food safety violations, Gray said, especially in failing to store certain food at 41 degrees or cooler in walk-in freezers. She said seizures of questionable food are a weekly occurrence.
Atul Shah, a manager at the India Mart on Hillcroft, said some brands of spices and commodities recently have become difficult to obtain from suppliers.
He suspects they may have been placed on lists of products not allowed into the country.
''Some things are not coming in, and I don't know why," Shah said, adding that no products have been removed from his store by authorities.
Local consumers, including several at Welcome Food on Bellaire, expressed confidence in the products sold at ethnic markets.
Oisheng Zhang, a 23-year-old University of Houston senior, said he has never had a problem with products he's purchased in nearly five years as a customer.
''If I see half of the shelves empty one day, I may get worried," he said.
Preservation is keyDan Sowards, a food safety officer for the Texas Department of State Health Services, said ethnic markets can pose more of a sanitation hazard because of the way some imported products are processed.
But he said just because a product is exotic, it doesn't mean it is tainted or unsafe.
''You might find dried bats in a Nigerian store, or fried ants," Sowards said.
''You'll find all kinds of things, but they're not necessarily contaminated. ... It depends on how they've been been handled."
Determining if food safety practices at ethnic markets are better or worse than other food establishments is difficult because sanitation inspections are not broken down by ethnicity, Harris County and Houston health department officials explained.
james.pinkerton@chron.com
Friday, August 17, 2007
Cancer panel attacks U.S. food subsidies
By Maggie Fox, Reuters Health and Science Editor, Aug 16, 10:43 AM ET
A new presidential report on cancer takes on not only tobacco companies but the food industry while calling on the federal government to "cease being a purveyor of unhealthy foods" and switch to policies that encourage Americans to eat vegetables and exercise.
The report, issued on Thursday, also urged changes in public and private insurance policies to encourage doctors to spend more time counseling patients on how to stay healthy by eating right, exercising and avoiding tobacco.
Federal, state, and local policies have actually made healthful foods more expensive and less available, have limited physical education in schools and created an environment that discourages physical activity, the report said.
"Ineffective policies, in conjunction with limited regulation of sales and marketing in the food and beverage industry, have spawned a culture that struggles to make healthy choices -- a culture in dire need of change," said the report, available on the Internet at http://pcp.cancer.gov.
Margaret Kripke of the University of Texas M.D. Anderson cancer center, a member of the President's Cancer Panel, said in a telephone interview, "What became clear to me is that we simply don't have the political will to protect the public health."
Several reports have shown that a third of all cancers are caused by tobacco use, and another one-third by obesity and inactivity.
"This country must not ignore its moral obligation to protect the health of all Americans. We can and must empower individuals to make healthy choices through appropriate policy and legislation, and the panel urges you to use the power of your office toward this life-saving goal," the panel, chaired by Howard University's Dr. LaSalle Leffall, wrote in a letter to Bush.
PURVEYOR OF UNHEALTHY FOODS
The report recommended much stricter control of the tobacco industry and urged Congress to authorize the U.S. Food and Drug Administration to regulate tobacco.
"The report also supports increasing the federal cigarette tax, which is currently 39 cents per pack," American Cancer Society Chief Executive Officer John Seffrin said in a statement.
"The panel's recommendation runs counter to the president's public opposition to a tobacco tax increase."
The federal government also should "require the elimination of unhealthy foods from school breakfast and lunch programs" and "must cease being a purveyor of unhealthy foods that lead to disease and increased health care costs," the report said.
This includes regulation of food advertising and changing agricultural support policies, it said.
"We heavily subsidize the growth of foods (e.g., corn, soy) that in their processed forms (e.g., high fructose corn syrup, hydrogenated corn and soybean oils, grain-fed cattle) are known contributors to obesity and associated chronic diseases, including cancer," the report reads.
"The people who are doing the U.S. agricultural subsidies need to connect their subsidies with the policy on public health and I don't think that has been done," Kripke said.
Yet fresh fruits and vegetables are not subsidized in the same way. "And physical education classes in school have almost disappeared," Kripke said.
The American Cancer Society predicts more than 1.4 million Americans will be diagnosed with cancer in 2007 and that 559,650 will die.
A new presidential report on cancer takes on not only tobacco companies but the food industry while calling on the federal government to "cease being a purveyor of unhealthy foods" and switch to policies that encourage Americans to eat vegetables and exercise.
The report, issued on Thursday, also urged changes in public and private insurance policies to encourage doctors to spend more time counseling patients on how to stay healthy by eating right, exercising and avoiding tobacco.
Federal, state, and local policies have actually made healthful foods more expensive and less available, have limited physical education in schools and created an environment that discourages physical activity, the report said.
"Ineffective policies, in conjunction with limited regulation of sales and marketing in the food and beverage industry, have spawned a culture that struggles to make healthy choices -- a culture in dire need of change," said the report, available on the Internet at http://pcp.cancer.gov.
Margaret Kripke of the University of Texas M.D. Anderson cancer center, a member of the President's Cancer Panel, said in a telephone interview, "What became clear to me is that we simply don't have the political will to protect the public health."
Several reports have shown that a third of all cancers are caused by tobacco use, and another one-third by obesity and inactivity.
"This country must not ignore its moral obligation to protect the health of all Americans. We can and must empower individuals to make healthy choices through appropriate policy and legislation, and the panel urges you to use the power of your office toward this life-saving goal," the panel, chaired by Howard University's Dr. LaSalle Leffall, wrote in a letter to Bush.
PURVEYOR OF UNHEALTHY FOODS
The report recommended much stricter control of the tobacco industry and urged Congress to authorize the U.S. Food and Drug Administration to regulate tobacco.
"The report also supports increasing the federal cigarette tax, which is currently 39 cents per pack," American Cancer Society Chief Executive Officer John Seffrin said in a statement.
"The panel's recommendation runs counter to the president's public opposition to a tobacco tax increase."
The federal government also should "require the elimination of unhealthy foods from school breakfast and lunch programs" and "must cease being a purveyor of unhealthy foods that lead to disease and increased health care costs," the report said.
This includes regulation of food advertising and changing agricultural support policies, it said.
"We heavily subsidize the growth of foods (e.g., corn, soy) that in their processed forms (e.g., high fructose corn syrup, hydrogenated corn and soybean oils, grain-fed cattle) are known contributors to obesity and associated chronic diseases, including cancer," the report reads.
"The people who are doing the U.S. agricultural subsidies need to connect their subsidies with the policy on public health and I don't think that has been done," Kripke said.
Yet fresh fruits and vegetables are not subsidized in the same way. "And physical education classes in school have almost disappeared," Kripke said.
The American Cancer Society predicts more than 1.4 million Americans will be diagnosed with cancer in 2007 and that 559,650 will die.
Thursday, August 16, 2007
More food imports from Mexico, not China, turned away
More food imports from Mexico, not China, turned away. In past year, inspectors found salmonella, other defects in goods entering the U.S.
By CHASE DAVIS Copyright 2007 Houston Chronicle, August 16, 2007
Despite widespread alarm over tainted seafood from China making its way to American consumers, federal inspectors during the past year have turned away even more food shipments from Mexico — Texas' largest trading partner, according to a review by the Houston Chronicle.
Citing salmonella, prohibited pesticides and other defects, FDA inspectors refused more than 1,330 Mexican food shipments from July 2006 through last month, including fresh vegetables, processed foods and dietary supplements, according to inspection records from the Food and Drug Administration.
The refusals represent a small share of the roughly $198 billion in goods imported from the country last year, much of which entered through Texas trade hubs such as Laredo and Houston.
As the country's primary trade gateway to Mexico, Texas receives nearly 2 million shipments each year, according to FDA records. But most of that cargo is not inspected by hand — only 1 to 2 percent, according to FDA estimates.
"If it's a commodity that has no history of violations, it'll probably pass right on through," said Dan Sowards, food safety officer for the Texas Department of State Health Services, which regulates distribution centers that often house imported food. "What the FDA does is a snapshot."
Though FDA refusals account for less than 1 percent of goods entering the country each year, they provide a glimpse into what lawmakers have called an overburdened system for inspecting U.S. food and drug imports.
"If you look at the numbers, it's China and Mexico and India," said U.S. Rep. Gene Green, D-Houston, whose district includes the Port of Houston. China, which exports less food to the U.S. than Mexico, had about 930 food shipments rejected between July 2006 and July 2007.
"But there's a lack of resources to do more inspections," Green said. "We need to point this out."
Agency criticizedExperts and lawmakers argue that a lack of inspection resources, paired with a growing demand for imports, have exposed more Americans to harm from contaminated food. Food-borne illnesses hospitalize more than 300,000 Americans and kill about 5,000 each year, according to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.
In House subcommittee hearings last month, Green and other lawmakers criticized the agency for proposing to close several product testing labs amid budgetary concerns — a plan the FDA has since suspended.
"Instead of laying off microbiologists and chemists, we need to be sure we keep them and expand them," Green said in an interview. "If necessary, if we want to be sure what we're buying is safe, we might need to put an inspection fee on it."
FDA spokeswoman Catherine McDermott said that although inspectors have been stretched thin, "inspections are thoroughly carried out."
Tainted Mexican imports have made headlines several times in recent years. In 2002, the FDA banned the import of Mexican cantaloupes after they were linked to salmonella outbreaks.
Appearances countMore recently, in 2004, certain candies were found to contain dangerous amounts of lead, prompting several state investigations, including one in Texas.
Both products were among the cargo refused during the last year. So too were dirty peppers, salmonella-infected shrimp, and turnip greens treated with prohibited pesticides, according to the FDA records.
In all, inspectors turned away 1,724 Mexican shipments, more than three-fourths of which were foods or food ingredients. Another 17 percent were cosmetics or pharmaceuticals, such as prescription drugs, deodorant and lotions. The rest mostly were medical supplies and electronic devices.
Products were most often refused because they were deemed "filthy," meaning they appeared dirty, putrid or decomposed.
Unapproved drugs also were common refusal targets, as was produce treated with banned pesticides.
Many countries had much higher refusal rates than Mexico based on their quantity of U.S. exports. For example, the Dominican Republic, which exported $4.5 billion to the U.S. last year, saw 895 shipments turned away, mostly for pesticides.
China accounted for the highest number of total refusals with 2,031, but less than half were for food products. The country's exports have attracted attention several times this year, when additives in pet food ingredients were linked to the deaths of several animals, and when a poisonous chemical used in antifreeze turned up in some exported toothpastes.
Despite the refusals, long-standing commercial partnerships and refined production practices have made many Mexican goods safer than their Chinese counterparts, said Mike Doyle, director of the University of Georgia's Center for Food Safety, which works with the food industry to improve product safety.
Food production standards in Mexico are "as good as or often better than what we've had in the U.S.," Doyle said. "It depends on the company. ... There are parts of Mexico that would be equivalent to China."
In response to Chronicle inquiries, the Mexican Embassy in Washington released a statement saying the country continues to work with U.S. officials to ensure the quality of its food exports.
chase.davis@chron.com
By CHASE DAVIS Copyright 2007 Houston Chronicle, August 16, 2007
Despite widespread alarm over tainted seafood from China making its way to American consumers, federal inspectors during the past year have turned away even more food shipments from Mexico — Texas' largest trading partner, according to a review by the Houston Chronicle.
Citing salmonella, prohibited pesticides and other defects, FDA inspectors refused more than 1,330 Mexican food shipments from July 2006 through last month, including fresh vegetables, processed foods and dietary supplements, according to inspection records from the Food and Drug Administration.
The refusals represent a small share of the roughly $198 billion in goods imported from the country last year, much of which entered through Texas trade hubs such as Laredo and Houston.
As the country's primary trade gateway to Mexico, Texas receives nearly 2 million shipments each year, according to FDA records. But most of that cargo is not inspected by hand — only 1 to 2 percent, according to FDA estimates.
"If it's a commodity that has no history of violations, it'll probably pass right on through," said Dan Sowards, food safety officer for the Texas Department of State Health Services, which regulates distribution centers that often house imported food. "What the FDA does is a snapshot."
Though FDA refusals account for less than 1 percent of goods entering the country each year, they provide a glimpse into what lawmakers have called an overburdened system for inspecting U.S. food and drug imports.
"If you look at the numbers, it's China and Mexico and India," said U.S. Rep. Gene Green, D-Houston, whose district includes the Port of Houston. China, which exports less food to the U.S. than Mexico, had about 930 food shipments rejected between July 2006 and July 2007.
"But there's a lack of resources to do more inspections," Green said. "We need to point this out."
Agency criticizedExperts and lawmakers argue that a lack of inspection resources, paired with a growing demand for imports, have exposed more Americans to harm from contaminated food. Food-borne illnesses hospitalize more than 300,000 Americans and kill about 5,000 each year, according to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.
In House subcommittee hearings last month, Green and other lawmakers criticized the agency for proposing to close several product testing labs amid budgetary concerns — a plan the FDA has since suspended.
"Instead of laying off microbiologists and chemists, we need to be sure we keep them and expand them," Green said in an interview. "If necessary, if we want to be sure what we're buying is safe, we might need to put an inspection fee on it."
FDA spokeswoman Catherine McDermott said that although inspectors have been stretched thin, "inspections are thoroughly carried out."
Tainted Mexican imports have made headlines several times in recent years. In 2002, the FDA banned the import of Mexican cantaloupes after they were linked to salmonella outbreaks.
Appearances countMore recently, in 2004, certain candies were found to contain dangerous amounts of lead, prompting several state investigations, including one in Texas.
Both products were among the cargo refused during the last year. So too were dirty peppers, salmonella-infected shrimp, and turnip greens treated with prohibited pesticides, according to the FDA records.
In all, inspectors turned away 1,724 Mexican shipments, more than three-fourths of which were foods or food ingredients. Another 17 percent were cosmetics or pharmaceuticals, such as prescription drugs, deodorant and lotions. The rest mostly were medical supplies and electronic devices.
Products were most often refused because they were deemed "filthy," meaning they appeared dirty, putrid or decomposed.
Unapproved drugs also were common refusal targets, as was produce treated with banned pesticides.
Many countries had much higher refusal rates than Mexico based on their quantity of U.S. exports. For example, the Dominican Republic, which exported $4.5 billion to the U.S. last year, saw 895 shipments turned away, mostly for pesticides.
China accounted for the highest number of total refusals with 2,031, but less than half were for food products. The country's exports have attracted attention several times this year, when additives in pet food ingredients were linked to the deaths of several animals, and when a poisonous chemical used in antifreeze turned up in some exported toothpastes.
Despite the refusals, long-standing commercial partnerships and refined production practices have made many Mexican goods safer than their Chinese counterparts, said Mike Doyle, director of the University of Georgia's Center for Food Safety, which works with the food industry to improve product safety.
Food production standards in Mexico are "as good as or often better than what we've had in the U.S.," Doyle said. "It depends on the company. ... There are parts of Mexico that would be equivalent to China."
In response to Chronicle inquiries, the Mexican Embassy in Washington released a statement saying the country continues to work with U.S. officials to ensure the quality of its food exports.
chase.davis@chron.com
Wednesday, August 15, 2007
USDA Cracking Down on “Organic” Factory-Farms
Country’s Largest Dairy Likely to Lose Certification
Cornucpia News, August 14, 2007
CORNUCOPIA, WI: The Cornucopia Institute has learned that the USDA appears about to revoke the organic certification of the nation’s largest industrial dairy operator, Aurora Organic Dairy, with corporate headquarters in Boulder, Colorado.
Aurora operates several giant factory dairies milking thousands of cows each in semi-arid areas of Colorado and Texas. The company has been the subject of a series of formal legal complaints filed with the USDA by The Cornucopia Institute. The complaints from the Wisconsin-based farm policy group filed in 2005 and 2006, called for a USDA investigation into allegations of numerous organic livestock management improprieties on Aurora’s facilities.
“After personally inspecting some of Aurora’s dairies in Texas and Colorado, we found 98% of their cattle in feedlots instead of grazing on pasture as the law requires,” stated Mark Kastel, Cornucopia’s senior farm policy analyst. Cornucopia also found that Aurora was procuring cattle from a non-certified organic source in apparent violation of the law. “Our sources tell us that the USDA’s investigators found many other violations when conducting their probe of Aurora.”
But Kastel warned that the USDA is under intense pressure to scuttle the Aurora decertification order. “We understand that powerful political influence is being brought to bear on the USDA in an effort to delay or water down the penalties against Aurora,” noted Kastel.
As part of their investigation of Aurora, compliance officers at the USDA took sworn testimony from Cornucopia staff, visited Aurora’s facilities and interviewed their organic certifier, the State of Colorado. The Institute found out about the impending enforcement action, and the potential for its delay, from officials in Colorado, a political appointee at the USDA and a highly placed industry executive.
The organic industry is carefully watching what the USDA does with the Aurora matter because of its size and impact on the marketplace. Aurora doesn’t directly market milk under its own name, but it is the country’s largest private-label producer of organic milk. Aurora packages store-brand organic dairy products for Wal-Mart, Costco, Target, Safeway, Trader Joe’s, Wild Oats, and other grocery chains. “The organic regulations are scale neutral,” added Kastel. “In terms of enforcement it shouldn’t matter if we are talking about a powerful corporate player, with thousands of cows, or a smaller family operation, bad actors in this industry need to be removed from the marketplace.”
Because of the delay in USDA enforcement against Aurora Dairy, The Cornucopia Institute today filed a Freedom of Information request (FOIA) with the USDA to secure documents that could uncover possible influence peddling and favoritism at the Department. “We hope that the USDA will issue tough sanctions, if warranted,” Kastel said. “And we want the agency to know that the organic community is very closely monitoring this case.”
Earlier this spring the 10,000-cow Vander Eyk factory dairy in Pixley, California lost its organic certification after an investigation revealed numerous violations of federal organic rules. The industrial-scale operation had been publicly spotlighted by The Cornucopia Institute for organic management irregularities. The Vander Eyk dairy had been selling its milk to Stremicks (Heritage-Foods) and Dean Foods (Horizon).
Based on documents recently received by Cornucopia through an earlier FOIA request, the Vander Eck dairy lost their ability to market organic milk not only because they lacked pasture for their cattle but also because they violated requirements for careful record-keeping to assure that all cows milked were eligible for organic certification and all the feed they consumed was actually organically grown.
“It now appears that our concerns about the giant industrial dairy cutting corners by confining cattle in a ‘factory-farm’ setting was just the tip of the iceberg,” said Will Fantle, Cornucopia’s research director. “The foundation of the organic certification process is the maintenance of a comprehensive farm audit trail which can be reviewed by independent certification inspectors and the USDA. The fact that Vander Eyk could not produce the documents requested by his certifier, and that he did not appeal the enforcement action, is just damning.”
The controversy about the growing number of factory-farms producing organic milk has come to a head this year as the number of farmers transitioning to organic dairy production has dramatically increased causing a surplus of organic milk for the first time. That surplus, largely attributed to the mega-farms, is now driving down prices to family farmers around the country endangering their livelihoods. It’s also become a tragedy for some family farmers around the country who have gone through the arduous and expensive three-year transition to organic management but now have nowhere to ship their milk.
“With at least 15 of these giant dairies operating, mostly in the arid west, they have succeeded in jeopardizing the livelihood of the 1500 or so ethical dairy farm families who are doing this right,” said Merrill Clark, an organic livestock producer from Cassopolis, Michigan and former member of the USDA’s expert advisory panel, the National Organic Standards Board.
“The good news for consumers is that in our survey of organic dairy brands, a full 90% of namebrand products received very high ratings in our scorecard that critiqued the environmental and animal husbandry practices used in sourcing the organic milk for the dairy products,” the Cornucopia’s Kastel said. “With a small amount of research, consumers who care about maintaining the integrity of organics can easily find organic dairy products they can believe in.”
Aurora is owned by some of the same conventional factory-farm operators that founded the Horizon Organic brand and then later sold it to Dean Foods. Aurora’s largest equity stake is controlled by CharlesBank of Boston, which invests capital for the Harvard endowment fund.
Rumors have also been swirling in the investment community that Aurora’s owners are seeking to sell the company or to take it public.
Cornucpia News, August 14, 2007
CORNUCOPIA, WI: The Cornucopia Institute has learned that the USDA appears about to revoke the organic certification of the nation’s largest industrial dairy operator, Aurora Organic Dairy, with corporate headquarters in Boulder, Colorado.
Aurora operates several giant factory dairies milking thousands of cows each in semi-arid areas of Colorado and Texas. The company has been the subject of a series of formal legal complaints filed with the USDA by The Cornucopia Institute. The complaints from the Wisconsin-based farm policy group filed in 2005 and 2006, called for a USDA investigation into allegations of numerous organic livestock management improprieties on Aurora’s facilities.
“After personally inspecting some of Aurora’s dairies in Texas and Colorado, we found 98% of their cattle in feedlots instead of grazing on pasture as the law requires,” stated Mark Kastel, Cornucopia’s senior farm policy analyst. Cornucopia also found that Aurora was procuring cattle from a non-certified organic source in apparent violation of the law. “Our sources tell us that the USDA’s investigators found many other violations when conducting their probe of Aurora.”
But Kastel warned that the USDA is under intense pressure to scuttle the Aurora decertification order. “We understand that powerful political influence is being brought to bear on the USDA in an effort to delay or water down the penalties against Aurora,” noted Kastel.
As part of their investigation of Aurora, compliance officers at the USDA took sworn testimony from Cornucopia staff, visited Aurora’s facilities and interviewed their organic certifier, the State of Colorado. The Institute found out about the impending enforcement action, and the potential for its delay, from officials in Colorado, a political appointee at the USDA and a highly placed industry executive.
The organic industry is carefully watching what the USDA does with the Aurora matter because of its size and impact on the marketplace. Aurora doesn’t directly market milk under its own name, but it is the country’s largest private-label producer of organic milk. Aurora packages store-brand organic dairy products for Wal-Mart, Costco, Target, Safeway, Trader Joe’s, Wild Oats, and other grocery chains. “The organic regulations are scale neutral,” added Kastel. “In terms of enforcement it shouldn’t matter if we are talking about a powerful corporate player, with thousands of cows, or a smaller family operation, bad actors in this industry need to be removed from the marketplace.”
Because of the delay in USDA enforcement against Aurora Dairy, The Cornucopia Institute today filed a Freedom of Information request (FOIA) with the USDA to secure documents that could uncover possible influence peddling and favoritism at the Department. “We hope that the USDA will issue tough sanctions, if warranted,” Kastel said. “And we want the agency to know that the organic community is very closely monitoring this case.”
Earlier this spring the 10,000-cow Vander Eyk factory dairy in Pixley, California lost its organic certification after an investigation revealed numerous violations of federal organic rules. The industrial-scale operation had been publicly spotlighted by The Cornucopia Institute for organic management irregularities. The Vander Eyk dairy had been selling its milk to Stremicks (Heritage-Foods) and Dean Foods (Horizon).
Based on documents recently received by Cornucopia through an earlier FOIA request, the Vander Eck dairy lost their ability to market organic milk not only because they lacked pasture for their cattle but also because they violated requirements for careful record-keeping to assure that all cows milked were eligible for organic certification and all the feed they consumed was actually organically grown.
“It now appears that our concerns about the giant industrial dairy cutting corners by confining cattle in a ‘factory-farm’ setting was just the tip of the iceberg,” said Will Fantle, Cornucopia’s research director. “The foundation of the organic certification process is the maintenance of a comprehensive farm audit trail which can be reviewed by independent certification inspectors and the USDA. The fact that Vander Eyk could not produce the documents requested by his certifier, and that he did not appeal the enforcement action, is just damning.”
The controversy about the growing number of factory-farms producing organic milk has come to a head this year as the number of farmers transitioning to organic dairy production has dramatically increased causing a surplus of organic milk for the first time. That surplus, largely attributed to the mega-farms, is now driving down prices to family farmers around the country endangering their livelihoods. It’s also become a tragedy for some family farmers around the country who have gone through the arduous and expensive three-year transition to organic management but now have nowhere to ship their milk.
“With at least 15 of these giant dairies operating, mostly in the arid west, they have succeeded in jeopardizing the livelihood of the 1500 or so ethical dairy farm families who are doing this right,” said Merrill Clark, an organic livestock producer from Cassopolis, Michigan and former member of the USDA’s expert advisory panel, the National Organic Standards Board.
“The good news for consumers is that in our survey of organic dairy brands, a full 90% of namebrand products received very high ratings in our scorecard that critiqued the environmental and animal husbandry practices used in sourcing the organic milk for the dairy products,” the Cornucopia’s Kastel said. “With a small amount of research, consumers who care about maintaining the integrity of organics can easily find organic dairy products they can believe in.”
Aurora is owned by some of the same conventional factory-farm operators that founded the Horizon Organic brand and then later sold it to Dean Foods. Aurora’s largest equity stake is controlled by CharlesBank of Boston, which invests capital for the Harvard endowment fund.
Rumors have also been swirling in the investment community that Aurora’s owners are seeking to sell the company or to take it public.
UN urges rethink on biofuels
By Javier Blas in London
The Financial Times
Published: August 14 2007 17:42 Last updated: August 14 2007 17:42
The world risks deeper poverty and greater environmental damage unless it fundamentally changes its bioenergy strategy, the United Nations’ top food and agriculture official has warned.
The UN Food and Agriculture Organisation is pushing for a high-level meeting next June to lay down rules for the international bioenergy market.
At present, the bioenergy industry is regulated by domestic policies rather than international agreement.
The FAO is urging the European Union and the US to lower trade barriers against ethanol imports; establish a system for bioenergy environmental standards; and provide more microcredit to farmers in developing countries to develop local biofuels.
Writing in today’s Financial Times, Jacques Diouf, FAO director general, said: “Such measures would allow developing countries – which generally have ecosystems and climates more suited to biomass production than industrialised nations and often have ample reserves of land and labour – to use their comparative advantage.”
Mr Diouf said the objective of the proposed meeting should be to ensure that bioenergy realised its potential to fuel sustainable growth and reduce hunger.
The US, Europe and Brazil last year accounted for almost 95 per cent of the world’s biofuel production. Canada, China and India produced most of the rest, according to the International Energy Agency, the industrialised countries’ energy watchdog.
Biofuel production, mostly of corn-derived ethanol in the US and rapeseed-derived biodiesel in Europe, doubled between 2000 and 2005, according to the IEA. In 2005, however, that was still just 1 per cent of global road-transport fuel.
The energy watchdog forecast that would rise to 4 per cent by 2030.
Mr Diouf said the bioenergy sector had a “huge potential to reduce hunger and poverty” if production shifted from rich to poor countries.
At the moment, rich countries’ tariffs make it uneconomic for poor countries to grow biofuel crops.
The problem for developing countries is exacerbated by food prices being pushed up by the biofuel industry’s rising consumption of crops.
Corn prices this year reached an 11-year high of $4.30 a bushel while wheat prices last week rose to $6.96 a bushel, the highest since 1996.
The US biofuel industry last year consumed about 20 per cent of the country’s corn crop, far more than in the past.
“It is clear that the current practice of relying on food crops to produce fuel will be relatively short-lived,” Mr Diouf said.
Copyright The Financial Times Limited 2007
The Financial Times
Published: August 14 2007 17:42 Last updated: August 14 2007 17:42
The world risks deeper poverty and greater environmental damage unless it fundamentally changes its bioenergy strategy, the United Nations’ top food and agriculture official has warned.
The UN Food and Agriculture Organisation is pushing for a high-level meeting next June to lay down rules for the international bioenergy market.
At present, the bioenergy industry is regulated by domestic policies rather than international agreement.
The FAO is urging the European Union and the US to lower trade barriers against ethanol imports; establish a system for bioenergy environmental standards; and provide more microcredit to farmers in developing countries to develop local biofuels.
Writing in today’s Financial Times, Jacques Diouf, FAO director general, said: “Such measures would allow developing countries – which generally have ecosystems and climates more suited to biomass production than industrialised nations and often have ample reserves of land and labour – to use their comparative advantage.”
Mr Diouf said the objective of the proposed meeting should be to ensure that bioenergy realised its potential to fuel sustainable growth and reduce hunger.
The US, Europe and Brazil last year accounted for almost 95 per cent of the world’s biofuel production. Canada, China and India produced most of the rest, according to the International Energy Agency, the industrialised countries’ energy watchdog.
Biofuel production, mostly of corn-derived ethanol in the US and rapeseed-derived biodiesel in Europe, doubled between 2000 and 2005, according to the IEA. In 2005, however, that was still just 1 per cent of global road-transport fuel.
The energy watchdog forecast that would rise to 4 per cent by 2030.
Mr Diouf said the bioenergy sector had a “huge potential to reduce hunger and poverty” if production shifted from rich to poor countries.
At the moment, rich countries’ tariffs make it uneconomic for poor countries to grow biofuel crops.
The problem for developing countries is exacerbated by food prices being pushed up by the biofuel industry’s rising consumption of crops.
Corn prices this year reached an 11-year high of $4.30 a bushel while wheat prices last week rose to $6.96 a bushel, the highest since 1996.
The US biofuel industry last year consumed about 20 per cent of the country’s corn crop, far more than in the past.
“It is clear that the current practice of relying on food crops to produce fuel will be relatively short-lived,” Mr Diouf said.
Copyright The Financial Times Limited 2007
Friday, August 10, 2007
Food That Travels Well
The New York Times, August 6, 2007
Op-Ed Contributor, JAMES E. McWILLIAMS
Austin, Tex.
THE term “food miles” — how far food has traveled before you buy it — has entered the enlightened lexicon. Environmental groups, especially in Europe, are pushing for labels that show how far food has traveled to get to the market, and books like Barbara Kingsolver’s “Animal, Vegetable, Miracle: A Year of Food Life” contemplate the damage wrought by trucking,
shipping and flying food from distant parts of the globe.
There are many good reasons for eating local — freshness, purity, taste, community cohesion and preserving open space — but none of these benefits compares to the much-touted claim that eating local reduces fossil fuel consumption. In this respect eating local joins recycling, biking to work and driving a hybrid as a realistic way that we can, as individuals, shrink our carbon footprint and be good stewards of the environment.
On its face, the connection between lowering food miles and decreasing greenhouse gas emissions is a no-brainer. In Iowa, the typical carrot has traveled 1,600 miles from California, a potato 1,200 miles from Idaho and a chuck roast 600 miles from Colorado. Seventy-five percent of the apples sold in New York City come from the West Coast or overseas, the writer Bill McKibben says, even though the state produces far more apples than city residents consume. These examples just scratch the surface of the problem. In light of this market redundancy, the only reasonable reaction, it seems, is to count food miles the way a dieter counts calories.
But is reducing food miles necessarily good for the environment? Researchers at Lincoln University in New Zealand, no doubt responding to Europe’s push for “food miles labeling,” recently published a study challenging the premise that more food miles automatically mean greater fossil fuel consumption. Other scientific studies have undertaken similar investigations. According to this peer-reviewed research, compelling evidence suggests that there is more — or less — to food miles than meets the eye.
It all depends on how you wield the carbon calculator. Instead of measuring a product’s carbon footprint through food miles alone, the Lincoln University scientists expanded their equations to include other energy-consuming aspects of production — what economists call “factor inputs and externalities” — like water use, harvesting techniques, fertilizer outlays, renewable energy applications, means of transportation (and the kind of fuel used), the amount of carbon dioxide absorbed during photosynthesis, disposal of packaging, storage procedures and dozens of other cultivation inputs.
Incorporating these measurements into their assessments, scientists reached surprising conclusions. Most notably, they found that lamb raised on New Zealand’s clover-choked pastures and shipped 11,000 miles by boat to Britain produced 1,520 pounds of carbon dioxide emissions per ton while British lamb produced 6,280 pounds of carbon dioxide per ton, in part because poorer British pastures force farmers to use feed. In other words, it is four times more energy-efficient for Londoners to buy lamb imported from the other side of the world than to buy it from a producer in their backyard. Similar figures were found for dairy products and fruit.
These life-cycle measurements are causing environmentalists worldwide to rethink the logic of food miles. New Zealand’s most prominent environmental research organization, Landcare Research-Manaaki Whenua, explains that localism “is not always the most environmentally sound solution if more emissions are generated at other stages of the product life cycle than during transport.” The British government’s 2006 Food Industry Sustainability Strategy similarly seeks to consider the environmental costs “across the life cycle of the produce,” not just in transportation.
“Eat local” advocates — a passionate cohort of which I am one — are bound to interpret these findings as a threat. We shouldn’t. Not only do life cycle analyses offer genuine opportunities for environmentally efficient food production, but they also address several problems inherent in the eat-local philosophy.
Consider the most conspicuous ones: it is impossible for most of the world to feed itself a diverse and healthy diet through exclusively local food production — food will always have to travel; asking people to move to more fertile regions is sensible but alienating and unrealistic; consumers living in developed nations will, for better or worse, always demand choices beyond what the season has to offer.
Given these problems, wouldn’t it make more sense to stop obsessing over food miles and work to strengthen comparative geographical advantages? And what if we did this while streamlining transportation services according to fuel-efficient standards? Shouldn’t we create development incentives for regional nodes of food production that can provide sustainable produce for the less sustainable parts of the nation and the world as a whole? Might it be more logical to conceptualize a hub-and-spoke system of food production and distribution, with the hubs in a food system’s naturally fertile hot spots and the spokes, which travel through the arid zones, connecting them while using hybrid engines and alternative sources of energy?
As concerned consumers and environmentalists, we must be prepared to seriously entertain these questions. We must also be prepared to accept that buying local is not necessarily beneficial for the environment. As much as this claim violates one of our most sacred assumptions, life cycle assessments offer far more valuable measurements to gauge the environmental impact of eating. While there will always be good reasons to encourage the growth of sustainable local food systems, we must also allow them to develop in tandem with what could be their equally sustainable global counterparts. We must accept the fact, in short, that distance is not the enemy of awareness.
James E. McWilliams is the author of “A Revolution in Eating: How the Quest for Food Shaped America” and a contributing writer for The Texas Observer.
Op-Ed Contributor, JAMES E. McWILLIAMS
Austin, Tex.
THE term “food miles” — how far food has traveled before you buy it — has entered the enlightened lexicon. Environmental groups, especially in Europe, are pushing for labels that show how far food has traveled to get to the market, and books like Barbara Kingsolver’s “Animal, Vegetable, Miracle: A Year of Food Life” contemplate the damage wrought by trucking,
shipping and flying food from distant parts of the globe.
There are many good reasons for eating local — freshness, purity, taste, community cohesion and preserving open space — but none of these benefits compares to the much-touted claim that eating local reduces fossil fuel consumption. In this respect eating local joins recycling, biking to work and driving a hybrid as a realistic way that we can, as individuals, shrink our carbon footprint and be good stewards of the environment.
On its face, the connection between lowering food miles and decreasing greenhouse gas emissions is a no-brainer. In Iowa, the typical carrot has traveled 1,600 miles from California, a potato 1,200 miles from Idaho and a chuck roast 600 miles from Colorado. Seventy-five percent of the apples sold in New York City come from the West Coast or overseas, the writer Bill McKibben says, even though the state produces far more apples than city residents consume. These examples just scratch the surface of the problem. In light of this market redundancy, the only reasonable reaction, it seems, is to count food miles the way a dieter counts calories.
But is reducing food miles necessarily good for the environment? Researchers at Lincoln University in New Zealand, no doubt responding to Europe’s push for “food miles labeling,” recently published a study challenging the premise that more food miles automatically mean greater fossil fuel consumption. Other scientific studies have undertaken similar investigations. According to this peer-reviewed research, compelling evidence suggests that there is more — or less — to food miles than meets the eye.
It all depends on how you wield the carbon calculator. Instead of measuring a product’s carbon footprint through food miles alone, the Lincoln University scientists expanded their equations to include other energy-consuming aspects of production — what economists call “factor inputs and externalities” — like water use, harvesting techniques, fertilizer outlays, renewable energy applications, means of transportation (and the kind of fuel used), the amount of carbon dioxide absorbed during photosynthesis, disposal of packaging, storage procedures and dozens of other cultivation inputs.
Incorporating these measurements into their assessments, scientists reached surprising conclusions. Most notably, they found that lamb raised on New Zealand’s clover-choked pastures and shipped 11,000 miles by boat to Britain produced 1,520 pounds of carbon dioxide emissions per ton while British lamb produced 6,280 pounds of carbon dioxide per ton, in part because poorer British pastures force farmers to use feed. In other words, it is four times more energy-efficient for Londoners to buy lamb imported from the other side of the world than to buy it from a producer in their backyard. Similar figures were found for dairy products and fruit.
These life-cycle measurements are causing environmentalists worldwide to rethink the logic of food miles. New Zealand’s most prominent environmental research organization, Landcare Research-Manaaki Whenua, explains that localism “is not always the most environmentally sound solution if more emissions are generated at other stages of the product life cycle than during transport.” The British government’s 2006 Food Industry Sustainability Strategy similarly seeks to consider the environmental costs “across the life cycle of the produce,” not just in transportation.
“Eat local” advocates — a passionate cohort of which I am one — are bound to interpret these findings as a threat. We shouldn’t. Not only do life cycle analyses offer genuine opportunities for environmentally efficient food production, but they also address several problems inherent in the eat-local philosophy.
Consider the most conspicuous ones: it is impossible for most of the world to feed itself a diverse and healthy diet through exclusively local food production — food will always have to travel; asking people to move to more fertile regions is sensible but alienating and unrealistic; consumers living in developed nations will, for better or worse, always demand choices beyond what the season has to offer.
Given these problems, wouldn’t it make more sense to stop obsessing over food miles and work to strengthen comparative geographical advantages? And what if we did this while streamlining transportation services according to fuel-efficient standards? Shouldn’t we create development incentives for regional nodes of food production that can provide sustainable produce for the less sustainable parts of the nation and the world as a whole? Might it be more logical to conceptualize a hub-and-spoke system of food production and distribution, with the hubs in a food system’s naturally fertile hot spots and the spokes, which travel through the arid zones, connecting them while using hybrid engines and alternative sources of energy?
As concerned consumers and environmentalists, we must be prepared to seriously entertain these questions. We must also be prepared to accept that buying local is not necessarily beneficial for the environment. As much as this claim violates one of our most sacred assumptions, life cycle assessments offer far more valuable measurements to gauge the environmental impact of eating. While there will always be good reasons to encourage the growth of sustainable local food systems, we must also allow them to develop in tandem with what could be their equally sustainable global counterparts. We must accept the fact, in short, that distance is not the enemy of awareness.
James E. McWilliams is the author of “A Revolution in Eating: How the Quest for Food Shaped America” and a contributing writer for The Texas Observer.
Wednesday, August 8, 2007
Ethanol Is Feeding Hot Market for Farmland
New York TImes, August 8, 2007
By MONICA DAVEY
DEKALB, Ill. — While much of the nation worries about a slumping real estate market, people in Midwestern farm country are experiencing exactly the opposite. Take, for instance, the farm here — nearly 80 acres of corn and soybeans off a gravel road in a universe of corn and soybeans — that sold for $10,000 an acre at auction this spring, a price that astonished even the auctioneer.
“If they had seen that day, they would have never believed it,” Penny Layman said of her sister and brother-in-law, who paid $32,000 for the entire spread in 1962 and whose deaths led to the sale.
Skyrocketing farmland prices, particularly in states like Illinois, Iowa and Nebraska, giddy with the promise of corn-based ethanol, are stirring new optimism among established farmers. But for younger farmers, already rare in this graying profession, and for small farmers with dreams of expanding and grabbing a piece of the ethanol craze, the news is oddly grim. The higher prices feel out of reach.
“It’s extremely frustrating,” said Paul Burrs, who farms about 400 acres near Dixon, Ill., and says he regularly bids on new farmland in the hopes of renting it. Mostly, he said, he loses out to higher bidders. “I crunch the numbers and go as high as I can. But then that’s it. There’s nothing more I can do.”
Mr. Burrs, who is 28, had a grandfather and a stepgrandfather who farmed. “So I guess it’s in my blood,” he said, “that feeling that you’ve got to do this, you were meant to do this.”
Still, he said, he believes that to make it a viable, “not quite so lean” full-time career, he needs to work more acres. Just the other day, he called about a farm that was up for rent. He did not get it.
“You keep trying to fight your battles,” Mr. Burrs said, “but it’s frustrating and hard, and sometimes I think, ‘Why am I doing this?’ ”
In central Illinois, prime farmland is selling for about $5,000 an acre on average, up from just over $3,000 an acre five years ago, a study showed. In Nebraska, meanwhile, land values rose 17 percent in the first quarter of this year over the same time last year, the swiftest such gain in more than a quarter century, said Jason R. Henderson, an economist at the Federal Reserve Bank in Kansas City.
A federal-government analysis of farm real estate values released Friday showed record average-per-acre values across the country. The analysis said property prices averaged $2,160 an acre at the start of 2007, up 14 percent from a year earlier.
“For everyone who owns an acre of land, we love this,” said Dale E. Aupperle, a professional farm manager and real estate consultant in Decatur, Ill., who said the rising land values were being driven by rising commodity prices (though corn has dropped some since June) and the prospect of increased demand for ethanol.
“For everyone who doesn’t own an acre of land, these prices mean it gets a little harder to get into,” Mr. Aupperle added. “For an entry-level land owner or a renter, there’s a bit of a thought right now that the train is leaving and I’m not on it.”
In Iowa, which produces more corn and is home to more ethanol plants than any other state, farm rental prices are mimicking purchase prices: they were up about 10 percent this spring over a year ago, according to a study by William Edwards, a professor at Iowa State University who said it was the largest jump since he started tracking farm rents in 1994.
And ethanol is leaving marks everywhere. New grain bins seem to be popping up all around the Midwest, farmers from Indiana to South Dakota say, and some of the highest farmland prices have been seen around the nearly 200 existing or proposed ethanol plants, where the cost of transporting the corn would be the cheapest. Mr. Henderson said he heard that land close to such facilities, most of which are in the Midwest, had jumped by as much as 30 percent over a year ago.
Some of the boom here may be tied to the dip in other urban and suburban markets: As has been true for several years, out-of-town investors (some of whom can put off capital gains taxes by taking money made from selling one piece of real estate and investing it in another) are buying some of this land. But local farmers are doing much of the buying this year, said Lee Vermeer, a vice president of real estate operations at Farmers National Company, a farm-management firm in Omaha.
“These are established farmers, though, who own other land,” Mr. Vermeer said. “For a young farmer to get in, the amount of capital required is almost prohibitive.”
So the land prices are, in some cases, scooting beyond reach, even as young corn farmers — and hopeful farmers — are enticed by the sudden demand for ethanol as a replacement for the nation’s dependence on oil.
Near Dixon, 40 miles west of DeKalb, Kyle Sheaffer, 28, serves as the local leader of a Farm Bureau committee focused on the worries of young farmers. For them, he said, the high prices have become a regular focus of concern. Meanwhile, well-off buyers and investors, he said, seem to arrive in places like Dixon with “an open checkbook.”
“At this point, it’s just super hard to rent — much less buy — ground,” Mr. Sheaffer said. “On top of the land, the initial investment to farm is so much: the tractor, the startup costs, it’s crazy. If you want to rent land, you either have to find a landlord who is sympathetic to your cause or who knows you.”
Without a family member who already owns a farm or without having a personal connection with a retiring community farmer, there is little chance of a young farmer getting in, most farmers here said. Mr. Sheaffer himself farms 2,500 acres of corn and soybeans, with his father. Without the family tie, he said, he would be out of luck.
Brent Johnson, 29, a farmer in Ashland, Ill., said the established operation run by his father and uncle are the only reason he can even consider farming.
“I don’t know anyone anymore who is doing this who didn’t come from a farm,” Mr. Johnson said. “Starting one up from thin air? I don’t know how you could now.”
Not surprisingly, the farmers are aging. In Iowa, about one-fourth of farmland is owned by people 75 or older, said Michael Duffy, a farm economist at Iowa State University. Another one-fourth is owned by people 65 to 74 years old.
Unknown is what will come of land prices if corn loses its place in the ethanol world and is surpassed by another source like cellulosic ethanol from switchgrass.
“Right now, a lot are still betting that corn-based ethanol will be around a while,” said Mr. Duffy, who is also the director of the Beginning Farmer Center, which assists farmers who are starting out. He noted two other farming booms, in the 1910s and the 1970s, which were each later followed by periods of depression.
“In five years, corn-based ethanol will be around,” Mr. Duffy said. “Fifteen years? I’m not as convinced.”
By MONICA DAVEY
DEKALB, Ill. — While much of the nation worries about a slumping real estate market, people in Midwestern farm country are experiencing exactly the opposite. Take, for instance, the farm here — nearly 80 acres of corn and soybeans off a gravel road in a universe of corn and soybeans — that sold for $10,000 an acre at auction this spring, a price that astonished even the auctioneer.
“If they had seen that day, they would have never believed it,” Penny Layman said of her sister and brother-in-law, who paid $32,000 for the entire spread in 1962 and whose deaths led to the sale.
Skyrocketing farmland prices, particularly in states like Illinois, Iowa and Nebraska, giddy with the promise of corn-based ethanol, are stirring new optimism among established farmers. But for younger farmers, already rare in this graying profession, and for small farmers with dreams of expanding and grabbing a piece of the ethanol craze, the news is oddly grim. The higher prices feel out of reach.
“It’s extremely frustrating,” said Paul Burrs, who farms about 400 acres near Dixon, Ill., and says he regularly bids on new farmland in the hopes of renting it. Mostly, he said, he loses out to higher bidders. “I crunch the numbers and go as high as I can. But then that’s it. There’s nothing more I can do.”
Mr. Burrs, who is 28, had a grandfather and a stepgrandfather who farmed. “So I guess it’s in my blood,” he said, “that feeling that you’ve got to do this, you were meant to do this.”
Still, he said, he believes that to make it a viable, “not quite so lean” full-time career, he needs to work more acres. Just the other day, he called about a farm that was up for rent. He did not get it.
“You keep trying to fight your battles,” Mr. Burrs said, “but it’s frustrating and hard, and sometimes I think, ‘Why am I doing this?’ ”
In central Illinois, prime farmland is selling for about $5,000 an acre on average, up from just over $3,000 an acre five years ago, a study showed. In Nebraska, meanwhile, land values rose 17 percent in the first quarter of this year over the same time last year, the swiftest such gain in more than a quarter century, said Jason R. Henderson, an economist at the Federal Reserve Bank in Kansas City.
A federal-government analysis of farm real estate values released Friday showed record average-per-acre values across the country. The analysis said property prices averaged $2,160 an acre at the start of 2007, up 14 percent from a year earlier.
“For everyone who owns an acre of land, we love this,” said Dale E. Aupperle, a professional farm manager and real estate consultant in Decatur, Ill., who said the rising land values were being driven by rising commodity prices (though corn has dropped some since June) and the prospect of increased demand for ethanol.
“For everyone who doesn’t own an acre of land, these prices mean it gets a little harder to get into,” Mr. Aupperle added. “For an entry-level land owner or a renter, there’s a bit of a thought right now that the train is leaving and I’m not on it.”
In Iowa, which produces more corn and is home to more ethanol plants than any other state, farm rental prices are mimicking purchase prices: they were up about 10 percent this spring over a year ago, according to a study by William Edwards, a professor at Iowa State University who said it was the largest jump since he started tracking farm rents in 1994.
And ethanol is leaving marks everywhere. New grain bins seem to be popping up all around the Midwest, farmers from Indiana to South Dakota say, and some of the highest farmland prices have been seen around the nearly 200 existing or proposed ethanol plants, where the cost of transporting the corn would be the cheapest. Mr. Henderson said he heard that land close to such facilities, most of which are in the Midwest, had jumped by as much as 30 percent over a year ago.
Some of the boom here may be tied to the dip in other urban and suburban markets: As has been true for several years, out-of-town investors (some of whom can put off capital gains taxes by taking money made from selling one piece of real estate and investing it in another) are buying some of this land. But local farmers are doing much of the buying this year, said Lee Vermeer, a vice president of real estate operations at Farmers National Company, a farm-management firm in Omaha.
“These are established farmers, though, who own other land,” Mr. Vermeer said. “For a young farmer to get in, the amount of capital required is almost prohibitive.”
So the land prices are, in some cases, scooting beyond reach, even as young corn farmers — and hopeful farmers — are enticed by the sudden demand for ethanol as a replacement for the nation’s dependence on oil.
Near Dixon, 40 miles west of DeKalb, Kyle Sheaffer, 28, serves as the local leader of a Farm Bureau committee focused on the worries of young farmers. For them, he said, the high prices have become a regular focus of concern. Meanwhile, well-off buyers and investors, he said, seem to arrive in places like Dixon with “an open checkbook.”
“At this point, it’s just super hard to rent — much less buy — ground,” Mr. Sheaffer said. “On top of the land, the initial investment to farm is so much: the tractor, the startup costs, it’s crazy. If you want to rent land, you either have to find a landlord who is sympathetic to your cause or who knows you.”
Without a family member who already owns a farm or without having a personal connection with a retiring community farmer, there is little chance of a young farmer getting in, most farmers here said. Mr. Sheaffer himself farms 2,500 acres of corn and soybeans, with his father. Without the family tie, he said, he would be out of luck.
Brent Johnson, 29, a farmer in Ashland, Ill., said the established operation run by his father and uncle are the only reason he can even consider farming.
“I don’t know anyone anymore who is doing this who didn’t come from a farm,” Mr. Johnson said. “Starting one up from thin air? I don’t know how you could now.”
Not surprisingly, the farmers are aging. In Iowa, about one-fourth of farmland is owned by people 75 or older, said Michael Duffy, a farm economist at Iowa State University. Another one-fourth is owned by people 65 to 74 years old.
Unknown is what will come of land prices if corn loses its place in the ethanol world and is surpassed by another source like cellulosic ethanol from switchgrass.
“Right now, a lot are still betting that corn-based ethanol will be around a while,” said Mr. Duffy, who is also the director of the Beginning Farmer Center, which assists farmers who are starting out. He noted two other farming booms, in the 1910s and the 1970s, which were each later followed by periods of depression.
“In five years, corn-based ethanol will be around,” Mr. Duffy said. “Fifteen years? I’m not as convinced.”
Tuesday, August 7, 2007
Two Very Different Paths From Farm to Table
Bifurcated Safety System Means Some Foods Get Less Scrutiny
By Renae MerleWashington Post Staff WriterSaturday, August 4, 2007; D01
Customers dining on surf and turf at a local restaurant may find themselves feasting on steak and a handful of breaded shrimp that took wildly disparate paths through a disjointed American food-safety system.
The steak came from a cow that was examined by a government inspector before and after it was slaughtered. The shrimp most likely were not inspected. The steak probably came from an American producer. The shrimp likely came from overseas, perhaps from one of several Asian countries that have been criticized for sloppy practices in raising seafood.
The disparity is a function of America's 100-year-old food-safety system, under which the U.S. Department of Agriculture and the Food and Drug Administration divvy up the food pyramid. The USDA regulates meat, a practice that dates to 1906, after the Upton Sinclair novel "The Jungle" had alerted Americans to unsanitary conditions in the nation's slaughterhouses. The FDA oversees the safety of most other foods, including seafood, fruits and vegetables.
Neither agency's inspection system is perfect, but the one that covers beef is more likely to catch problems than the one covering seafood, according to consumer groups and people who have worked in food safety.
The split system has resulted in a patchwork process for ensuring that meat, seafood and produce consumed in the United States is safe. In a report this year, the Government Accountability Office called federal oversight of the food safety system "fragmented" and put it on a list of "high-risk" programs.
Reports of unsafe food from China have spurred a reexamination of the system, which some say has not caught up with recent increases in food imports, which have doubled in value in the past decade. "Our overall food-safety system needs comprehensive reform. People are losing confidence," said Rep. Rosa DaLauro (D-Conn.), a frequent critic of the FDA's oversight of seafood and produce.
But FDA Commissioner Andrew C. von Eschenbach, in a letter to employees last month after the agency was criticized during a congressional hearing, said, "Although food safety problems still occur in this country, it does not automatically follow that the FDA is asleep at the switch."
Changing the system would require upending huge bureaucracies and long-standing traditions, as well as tackling industry concerns. Congress is considering a piece of legislation that would establish a single food-safety agency and another that would, for the first time, allow the FDA to charge importers a fee.
An import safety panel appointed by President Bush is expected to issue recommendations in September, and the subject has come up in high-level talks between the United States and China.
"There is something in between FDA and USDA that is really the right answer," said Mike Taylor, a former administrator for the USDA's Food Safety and Inspection Service and a research professor of public health at George Washington University. "We have to make it a system that enforces private industry's responsibility to manage supply chain."
Sen. Richard J. Durbin (D-Ill.) has advocated a single food agency as a way to create efficiency. "It could be that USDA is not the best model. Let science dictate that decision, not tradition or politics," Durbin said.
The USDA system relies on an army of 7,600 inspectors who do a what the agency calls a "carcass-by-carcass" inspection at slaughterhouses throughout the country. The agency also limits imports of meat -- beef, chicken, lamb and pork -- to 37 countries that have comparable food safety systems and are certified by the agency. Of the imported meat, about 10 percent is subject to further testing when it reaches U.S. shores, according to the USDA.
But some critics see inefficiency in the USDA system. At poultry plants, USDA inspectors watch chickens pass by on the slaughter line every two or three seconds, hardly enough time to give them serious examination, Taylor said. "You can visually examine chickens all day and not see the salmonella," he said.
The carcass-by-carcass inspection system is mandated by law and is an important part of the food safety system, said USDA spokesman Stephen Cohen. The agency also began taking samples for testing to augment the visual inspections in the 1990s, he said. "The agency has not stayed stagnant," Cohen said. "We're much more prevention-oriented."
Some question whether the USDA can serve both as overseer of the meat industry and as its cheerleader. Last year, the USDA's inspector general found that the department had overruled a recommendation by field scientists to test an animal that was suspected of having mad cow disease, a degenerative nerve disorder, because it feared that a positive finding would undermine confidence in the agency's testing procedures. At the time, the USDA had said it had taken steps to better enforce its rules.
"The job of [the USDA] is to make the foods we regulate the safest they can be. A safe product markets itself," Cohen said.
But the USDA's system is more extensive than that of the FDA. The FDA has about 700 inspectors and lab technicians, less than one-tenth the workforce of USDA. Its food safety budget, about $450 million, is dwarfed by the USDA's $850 million in spending, according to Consumers Union. And it does not approve countries before they are allowed to export products to the United States. It inspects about 1 percent of the imports that fall under its purview and doesn't limit which of 300 ports and land crossings importers can use.
Part of the problem is that the FDA's responsibilities have grown faster than the agency has, said Bill Hubbard, who retired from the FDA last year after 26 years. While the number of FDA inspectors has fallen, the value of imported food under its control has risen sharply. About 80 percent of the seafood consumed in the United States is imported, according to a report by Public Citizen, a consumers' rights group. When the FDA was established, it oversaw the import of such staples as flour and molasses, in which problems were usually easy to spot, Hubbard said. "The FDA foods were not considered dangerous," he said.
There has been a failed attempt to strengthen the system. In 1999, the FDA faced an explosion in imports of such inexpensive ingredients as wheat gluten and ascorbic acid that kept food prices down but also raised safety concerns within the agency, Hubbard said. The agency proposed requiring firms or countries with repeated safety problems to be suspended from exporting to the United States until they came up with a safety plan, he said.
The proposal, known as "USDA light" in FDA circles, never gained traction.
"At the time, the industry felt it could end up having a negative impact on them," Hubbard said. "I thought we would at least get a hearing on it, but it didn't go so far."
FDA officials acknowledge some weaknesses and have been working on a food safety plan for months. "We would never have enough inspectors to test every product that came into the United States every day," said David Acheson, assistant commissioner for food protection at the FDA. "Simply doubling the number of inspectors is not the answer."
And von Eschenbach, the FDA commissioner, rejects one of the most popular alternatives on Capitol Hill: creating a single food agency. The agency learned from last year's E. coli outbreak linked to tainted spinach and this year's problems with tainted pet food, he said. "There is an extraordinary uniqueness about FDA" because of its science-based approach to such issues, von Eschenbach said recently. "We need to maintain that uniqueness."
Industry officials say they favor changes that would bolster consumer confidence, but they are resistant to drastic change. Creating a single agency could be a bureaucratic nightmare that would take time away from inspections, they say.
John Connelly, president of the National Fisheries Institute, said that the FDA needs more inspectors but that there should be a balance so the system is not unnecessarily bogged down. "We think that the U.S. has a very good food-safety system and would argue with premise that the system is broken," he said.
Instead, industry insiders say, the agencies should focus on establishing a "trace-back" system that would make it easier to identify the sources of problematic foods and streamline the recall process. "Our members tend to find out about these from the news media," said Tim Hammonds, president of the Food Marketing Institute. "If they were to give retailers a heads-up, we could be much faster at getting things removed from the shelves."
By Renae MerleWashington Post Staff WriterSaturday, August 4, 2007; D01
Customers dining on surf and turf at a local restaurant may find themselves feasting on steak and a handful of breaded shrimp that took wildly disparate paths through a disjointed American food-safety system.
The steak came from a cow that was examined by a government inspector before and after it was slaughtered. The shrimp most likely were not inspected. The steak probably came from an American producer. The shrimp likely came from overseas, perhaps from one of several Asian countries that have been criticized for sloppy practices in raising seafood.
The disparity is a function of America's 100-year-old food-safety system, under which the U.S. Department of Agriculture and the Food and Drug Administration divvy up the food pyramid. The USDA regulates meat, a practice that dates to 1906, after the Upton Sinclair novel "The Jungle" had alerted Americans to unsanitary conditions in the nation's slaughterhouses. The FDA oversees the safety of most other foods, including seafood, fruits and vegetables.
Neither agency's inspection system is perfect, but the one that covers beef is more likely to catch problems than the one covering seafood, according to consumer groups and people who have worked in food safety.
The split system has resulted in a patchwork process for ensuring that meat, seafood and produce consumed in the United States is safe. In a report this year, the Government Accountability Office called federal oversight of the food safety system "fragmented" and put it on a list of "high-risk" programs.
Reports of unsafe food from China have spurred a reexamination of the system, which some say has not caught up with recent increases in food imports, which have doubled in value in the past decade. "Our overall food-safety system needs comprehensive reform. People are losing confidence," said Rep. Rosa DaLauro (D-Conn.), a frequent critic of the FDA's oversight of seafood and produce.
But FDA Commissioner Andrew C. von Eschenbach, in a letter to employees last month after the agency was criticized during a congressional hearing, said, "Although food safety problems still occur in this country, it does not automatically follow that the FDA is asleep at the switch."
Changing the system would require upending huge bureaucracies and long-standing traditions, as well as tackling industry concerns. Congress is considering a piece of legislation that would establish a single food-safety agency and another that would, for the first time, allow the FDA to charge importers a fee.
An import safety panel appointed by President Bush is expected to issue recommendations in September, and the subject has come up in high-level talks between the United States and China.
"There is something in between FDA and USDA that is really the right answer," said Mike Taylor, a former administrator for the USDA's Food Safety and Inspection Service and a research professor of public health at George Washington University. "We have to make it a system that enforces private industry's responsibility to manage supply chain."
Sen. Richard J. Durbin (D-Ill.) has advocated a single food agency as a way to create efficiency. "It could be that USDA is not the best model. Let science dictate that decision, not tradition or politics," Durbin said.
The USDA system relies on an army of 7,600 inspectors who do a what the agency calls a "carcass-by-carcass" inspection at slaughterhouses throughout the country. The agency also limits imports of meat -- beef, chicken, lamb and pork -- to 37 countries that have comparable food safety systems and are certified by the agency. Of the imported meat, about 10 percent is subject to further testing when it reaches U.S. shores, according to the USDA.
But some critics see inefficiency in the USDA system. At poultry plants, USDA inspectors watch chickens pass by on the slaughter line every two or three seconds, hardly enough time to give them serious examination, Taylor said. "You can visually examine chickens all day and not see the salmonella," he said.
The carcass-by-carcass inspection system is mandated by law and is an important part of the food safety system, said USDA spokesman Stephen Cohen. The agency also began taking samples for testing to augment the visual inspections in the 1990s, he said. "The agency has not stayed stagnant," Cohen said. "We're much more prevention-oriented."
Some question whether the USDA can serve both as overseer of the meat industry and as its cheerleader. Last year, the USDA's inspector general found that the department had overruled a recommendation by field scientists to test an animal that was suspected of having mad cow disease, a degenerative nerve disorder, because it feared that a positive finding would undermine confidence in the agency's testing procedures. At the time, the USDA had said it had taken steps to better enforce its rules.
"The job of [the USDA] is to make the foods we regulate the safest they can be. A safe product markets itself," Cohen said.
But the USDA's system is more extensive than that of the FDA. The FDA has about 700 inspectors and lab technicians, less than one-tenth the workforce of USDA. Its food safety budget, about $450 million, is dwarfed by the USDA's $850 million in spending, according to Consumers Union. And it does not approve countries before they are allowed to export products to the United States. It inspects about 1 percent of the imports that fall under its purview and doesn't limit which of 300 ports and land crossings importers can use.
Part of the problem is that the FDA's responsibilities have grown faster than the agency has, said Bill Hubbard, who retired from the FDA last year after 26 years. While the number of FDA inspectors has fallen, the value of imported food under its control has risen sharply. About 80 percent of the seafood consumed in the United States is imported, according to a report by Public Citizen, a consumers' rights group. When the FDA was established, it oversaw the import of such staples as flour and molasses, in which problems were usually easy to spot, Hubbard said. "The FDA foods were not considered dangerous," he said.
There has been a failed attempt to strengthen the system. In 1999, the FDA faced an explosion in imports of such inexpensive ingredients as wheat gluten and ascorbic acid that kept food prices down but also raised safety concerns within the agency, Hubbard said. The agency proposed requiring firms or countries with repeated safety problems to be suspended from exporting to the United States until they came up with a safety plan, he said.
The proposal, known as "USDA light" in FDA circles, never gained traction.
"At the time, the industry felt it could end up having a negative impact on them," Hubbard said. "I thought we would at least get a hearing on it, but it didn't go so far."
FDA officials acknowledge some weaknesses and have been working on a food safety plan for months. "We would never have enough inspectors to test every product that came into the United States every day," said David Acheson, assistant commissioner for food protection at the FDA. "Simply doubling the number of inspectors is not the answer."
And von Eschenbach, the FDA commissioner, rejects one of the most popular alternatives on Capitol Hill: creating a single food agency. The agency learned from last year's E. coli outbreak linked to tainted spinach and this year's problems with tainted pet food, he said. "There is an extraordinary uniqueness about FDA" because of its science-based approach to such issues, von Eschenbach said recently. "We need to maintain that uniqueness."
Industry officials say they favor changes that would bolster consumer confidence, but they are resistant to drastic change. Creating a single agency could be a bureaucratic nightmare that would take time away from inspections, they say.
John Connelly, president of the National Fisheries Institute, said that the FDA needs more inspectors but that there should be a balance so the system is not unnecessarily bogged down. "We think that the U.S. has a very good food-safety system and would argue with premise that the system is broken," he said.
Instead, industry insiders say, the agencies should focus on establishing a "trace-back" system that would make it easier to identify the sources of problematic foods and streamline the recall process. "Our members tend to find out about these from the news media," said Tim Hammonds, president of the Food Marketing Institute. "If they were to give retailers a heads-up, we could be much faster at getting things removed from the shelves."
Tuesday, July 31, 2007
House Passes Massive Farm Bill
Tax Issue Prompts GOP Opposition
By Dan Morgan
Special to the Washington Post, Saturday, July 28, 2007; A01
The House yesterday passed a far-reaching new farm bill that preserves the existing system of subsidies for commercial farmers and adds billions of dollars for conservation, nutrition and new agricultural sectors.
Passage of the 741-page bill by a vote of 231 to 191, after partisan battling unusual for farm legislation, was a major achievement for the new Democratic leadership.
With most Republicans opposing the five-year bill over a tax issue, House Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.) hammered out a compromise that held together a shaky majority of Democratic farm-state lawmakers committed to the entrenched farm subsidy system, together with urban liberals and reformers seeking sweeping changes.
"This signals change and a new direction," said Pelosi, in calling for the party to stick together on the contentious vote.
The bill, which has a price tag of almost $286 billion, boosts spending on preservation of grasslands and wildlife habitat, and mandates a major study of the Chesapeake Bay watershed as a first step to restoring the bay by reducing agricultural and other wastes.
The measure updates the food stamp program, indexing benefits to inflation, increasing the minimum benefit and raising the standard deduction. Youth obesity is addressed by a program to introduce healthful snacks in schools, and more money is authorized for famine relief abroad.
In an important victory for consumer organizations, imported meat, including hamburger made from multiple animals, will be labeled by its country of origin starting in October 2008.
Pelosi also cited the bill's emphasis on credits and loan guarantees for new forms of biofuel produced from grasses and biomass. "Future farm bills will never look the same," she said.
Nonetheless, major hurdles remain before the massive legislation becomes law.
The White House, citing insufficient reforms of the subsidy system, has threatened a veto. Only 19 House Republicans supported the bill's passage because of the last-minute addition of a tax provision needed to offset the new Democratic-backed spending on food stamps and nutrition.
Rep. Robert W. Goodlatte (Va.), the ranking Republican on the House Agriculture Committee, accused Democrats of "poisoning the well" by adding the tax provision to what had been a bipartisan farm bill. Business lobbies, including the National Association of Manufacturers, warned that the action could discourage foreign investment and cost jobs.
Democrats said the provision merely closes a loophole that allows a limited number of U.S. subsidiaries of foreign companies to avoid taxes. Aides said it is aimed at companies headquartered in tax havens such as Bermuda, with which the United States has no tax treaty. Subsidiaries avoid a tax bite by funneling earnings through European countries that have reciprocal tax-reduction arrangements with the United States.
Rep. Lloyd Doggett (D-Tex.), a senior member of the House Ways and Means Committee, said the provision levels the playing field for "small American companies that are paying their share of taxes."
House Agriculture Committee Chairman Collin C. Peterson (D-Minn.) charged that Republicans had fixed on the tax issue as an excuse for killing the bill. "They don't want to see success," he said.
But Democrats acknowledged that the entanglement of business issues in the farm bill could cause problems down the line.
Last week, a coalition of business groups, including the U.S. Chamber of Commerce and Business Roundtable, urged Congress to reject a farm bill that did not make major cuts in agricultural subsidies, so as to expedite a global trade deal benefiting manufacturers.
Developing countries are demanding a reduction in U.S. and European agricultural protections before opening their markets to American manufactured items.
Peterson responded hotly yesterday, saying farm-state lawmakers were in no mood to appease big business. Previous trade deals, such as the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), have been tailored mainly to help manufacturers and have not been good for U.S. agriculture, he said.
In defiance of international trade rules that discourage price supports that lead to overproduction, the bill raises price guarantees for wheat, soybeans and sugar.
Pressures on Congress could increase after a ruling this week by the World Trade Organization in Geneva. A WTO panel held that the U.S. cotton industry has not adequately responded to a 2005 ruling that certain subsidies violate international trade agreements. The panel said Brazil has the right to retaliate.
The centerpiece of the bill is a web of price guarantees and direct payments going mainly to corn, wheat, cotton, rice and soybean growers in a few Midwestern and Southern states. The cost to taxpayers will be about $7.5 billion a year.
Farm organizations pulled out all the stops to defend this system, hiring lobbyists, setting up blogs attacking critics and buttonholing farm-state lawmakers. Among the lobbyists was the former chairman of the House Agriculture Committee, Larry Combest (R-Tex.).
The House bill includes a new concession for cane and beet sugar producers, ensuring that they will not have to cut back on their planting when unrestricted Mexican sugar imports start next year under NAFTA. The Department of Agriculture will be required to buy up volumes of sugar comparable to the imports and sell it to ethanol plants for a reduced price, at a 10-year cost to taxpayers of $1.4 billion.
In the last-minute jostling, a provision to make leaf tobacco farmers eligible for funds to promote their product abroad was stripped to avoid a floor battle with anti-tobacco forces. Rep. Bobby R. Etheridge (D-N.C.) had argued that it was a "matter of patent fairness" to tobacco growers.
Farm-state lawmakers also united yesterday to defeat an amendment by Minority Leader John A. Boehner (R-Ohio) aimed at preventing farmers from reaping unintended windfalls from a key subsidy, the loan deficiency payment. In 2005, the subsidy cost nearly $5 billion.
Late Thursday, an amendment by Rep. Ron Kind (D-Wis.) to reform the subsidy system garnered only 117 votes. Kind was backed by consumer, environmental, religious and anti-hunger groups.
The defection of Republicans this week forced Democratic leaders to scramble to strike deals with urban liberals to assure the final majority.
In the maneuvering, the Congressional Black Caucus came away with at least $100 million to help the USDA settle discrimination lawsuits filed by minority farmers. But the dealmaking forced a hasty search for offsetting funds.
To help pay for mandatory new spending on food for children abroad, Democratic leaders imposed a new "conservation fee" on some offshore oil and gas leases. It would recoup billions of dollars in royalties lost because of faulty federal leases with companies operating in deep waters of the Gulf of Mexico.
Morgan, a former Post reporter who specialized in agriculture, is a contract writer of the newspaper and a fellow with the German Marshall Fund, a nonpartisan public policy institution.
By Dan Morgan
Special to the Washington Post, Saturday, July 28, 2007; A01
The House yesterday passed a far-reaching new farm bill that preserves the existing system of subsidies for commercial farmers and adds billions of dollars for conservation, nutrition and new agricultural sectors.
Passage of the 741-page bill by a vote of 231 to 191, after partisan battling unusual for farm legislation, was a major achievement for the new Democratic leadership.
With most Republicans opposing the five-year bill over a tax issue, House Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.) hammered out a compromise that held together a shaky majority of Democratic farm-state lawmakers committed to the entrenched farm subsidy system, together with urban liberals and reformers seeking sweeping changes.
"This signals change and a new direction," said Pelosi, in calling for the party to stick together on the contentious vote.
The bill, which has a price tag of almost $286 billion, boosts spending on preservation of grasslands and wildlife habitat, and mandates a major study of the Chesapeake Bay watershed as a first step to restoring the bay by reducing agricultural and other wastes.
The measure updates the food stamp program, indexing benefits to inflation, increasing the minimum benefit and raising the standard deduction. Youth obesity is addressed by a program to introduce healthful snacks in schools, and more money is authorized for famine relief abroad.
In an important victory for consumer organizations, imported meat, including hamburger made from multiple animals, will be labeled by its country of origin starting in October 2008.
Pelosi also cited the bill's emphasis on credits and loan guarantees for new forms of biofuel produced from grasses and biomass. "Future farm bills will never look the same," she said.
Nonetheless, major hurdles remain before the massive legislation becomes law.
The White House, citing insufficient reforms of the subsidy system, has threatened a veto. Only 19 House Republicans supported the bill's passage because of the last-minute addition of a tax provision needed to offset the new Democratic-backed spending on food stamps and nutrition.
Rep. Robert W. Goodlatte (Va.), the ranking Republican on the House Agriculture Committee, accused Democrats of "poisoning the well" by adding the tax provision to what had been a bipartisan farm bill. Business lobbies, including the National Association of Manufacturers, warned that the action could discourage foreign investment and cost jobs.
Democrats said the provision merely closes a loophole that allows a limited number of U.S. subsidiaries of foreign companies to avoid taxes. Aides said it is aimed at companies headquartered in tax havens such as Bermuda, with which the United States has no tax treaty. Subsidiaries avoid a tax bite by funneling earnings through European countries that have reciprocal tax-reduction arrangements with the United States.
Rep. Lloyd Doggett (D-Tex.), a senior member of the House Ways and Means Committee, said the provision levels the playing field for "small American companies that are paying their share of taxes."
House Agriculture Committee Chairman Collin C. Peterson (D-Minn.) charged that Republicans had fixed on the tax issue as an excuse for killing the bill. "They don't want to see success," he said.
But Democrats acknowledged that the entanglement of business issues in the farm bill could cause problems down the line.
Last week, a coalition of business groups, including the U.S. Chamber of Commerce and Business Roundtable, urged Congress to reject a farm bill that did not make major cuts in agricultural subsidies, so as to expedite a global trade deal benefiting manufacturers.
Developing countries are demanding a reduction in U.S. and European agricultural protections before opening their markets to American manufactured items.
Peterson responded hotly yesterday, saying farm-state lawmakers were in no mood to appease big business. Previous trade deals, such as the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), have been tailored mainly to help manufacturers and have not been good for U.S. agriculture, he said.
In defiance of international trade rules that discourage price supports that lead to overproduction, the bill raises price guarantees for wheat, soybeans and sugar.
Pressures on Congress could increase after a ruling this week by the World Trade Organization in Geneva. A WTO panel held that the U.S. cotton industry has not adequately responded to a 2005 ruling that certain subsidies violate international trade agreements. The panel said Brazil has the right to retaliate.
The centerpiece of the bill is a web of price guarantees and direct payments going mainly to corn, wheat, cotton, rice and soybean growers in a few Midwestern and Southern states. The cost to taxpayers will be about $7.5 billion a year.
Farm organizations pulled out all the stops to defend this system, hiring lobbyists, setting up blogs attacking critics and buttonholing farm-state lawmakers. Among the lobbyists was the former chairman of the House Agriculture Committee, Larry Combest (R-Tex.).
The House bill includes a new concession for cane and beet sugar producers, ensuring that they will not have to cut back on their planting when unrestricted Mexican sugar imports start next year under NAFTA. The Department of Agriculture will be required to buy up volumes of sugar comparable to the imports and sell it to ethanol plants for a reduced price, at a 10-year cost to taxpayers of $1.4 billion.
In the last-minute jostling, a provision to make leaf tobacco farmers eligible for funds to promote their product abroad was stripped to avoid a floor battle with anti-tobacco forces. Rep. Bobby R. Etheridge (D-N.C.) had argued that it was a "matter of patent fairness" to tobacco growers.
Farm-state lawmakers also united yesterday to defeat an amendment by Minority Leader John A. Boehner (R-Ohio) aimed at preventing farmers from reaping unintended windfalls from a key subsidy, the loan deficiency payment. In 2005, the subsidy cost nearly $5 billion.
Late Thursday, an amendment by Rep. Ron Kind (D-Wis.) to reform the subsidy system garnered only 117 votes. Kind was backed by consumer, environmental, religious and anti-hunger groups.
The defection of Republicans this week forced Democratic leaders to scramble to strike deals with urban liberals to assure the final majority.
In the maneuvering, the Congressional Black Caucus came away with at least $100 million to help the USDA settle discrimination lawsuits filed by minority farmers. But the dealmaking forced a hasty search for offsetting funds.
To help pay for mandatory new spending on food for children abroad, Democratic leaders imposed a new "conservation fee" on some offshore oil and gas leases. It would recoup billions of dollars in royalties lost because of faulty federal leases with companies operating in deep waters of the Gulf of Mexico.
Morgan, a former Post reporter who specialized in agriculture, is a contract writer of the newspaper and a fellow with the German Marshall Fund, a nonpartisan public policy institution.
Monday, July 30, 2007
Green thumbs reap savings from their front yards
By ELLEN SIMON, Associated Press, July 29, 2007
NEW YORK — A dedicated group of vegetable gardeners is ripping out their front lawns and planting dinner.
Their front-yard kitchen gardens, with everything from vegetables to herbs and salad greens, are a source of food, a topic of conversation with the neighbors and a political statement.
It's also a way for many to save money on grocery bills.
Nat Zappia, 32, a graduate student, turned the front yard of the home he and his wife rent in Santa Monica, Calif., into a vegetable garden, with his landlord's permission.
He estimates it supplies 35 to 40 percent of the food they eat.
The gardens don't cost much to plant.
Zappia estimates he spent about $100 on the garden and says he and his wife save about $200 to $300 a year on their food costs.
Bob Waldrop of Oklahoma City said his garden's organic fruit allowed him to eat in a way he could never afford if he bought everything at the grocery store.
"It's like money growing in your yard," he said.
He planted his corner lot almost entirely with fruit trees, berry bushes and vegetables.
Leigh Anders, who tore up about half her front lawn four years ago and planted vegetables, said her garden sends a message that anyone can grow at least some of their food.
That task should shift from agribusiness back to individuals and their communities, said Anders, of Viroqua, Wisc.
"This movement can start with simply one tomato plant growing in one's yard," she said.
Front-yard vegetable gardens are a growing outlet for people whose backyards are too shady or too small, as well as those who want to spread their beliefs one tomato at a time.
The topic has gotten more buzz nationally as bloggers chronicle their experiences and environmentalists have scrutinized the effects of chemicals and water used to grow lawns.
A book called Food Not Lawns, published last year, inspired several offshoot groups.
Other gardeners were inspired by books such as Gaia's Garden: A Guide to Home-Scale Permaculture and The Year I Ate My Yard.
Fritz Haeg, an artist and architect, has done yards in Kansas, California and New Jersey as part of a project called "Edible Estates." Haeg, who is working on a book, Edible Estates: Attack on the Front Lawn, says he's been overwhelmed by the response.
Some neighbors are less than thrilled. Some municipal codes limit the percentage of a yard that can be planted with anything other than trees and grass.
"Especially in the first three years, I got a lot of code violations," said Waldrop of Oklahoma City.
"Now that the plantings have matured, it's pretty," he said. "It wasn't so pretty the first couple years."
Shannon McBride, 47, of Huntsville, Alabama, kept grass borders around her front-yard vegetable beds. "We promised our neighbor we wouldn't grow corn, because that looks kind of tacky," she said.
The neighbor also thought tomatoes looked "untidy," so McBride and her husband are growing bell peppers, carrots, chives, herbs, two kinds of beans, beets, okra, lettuce and cucumbers.
"I'm always asked, 'What will it look like in the winter?'" said Rosalind Creasy, a landscape designer who has been writing about edible landscaping for 25 years. "If you design it well and it has an herb garden, it will look fine. One of the dumbest things I see is dead lawns in the winter. They're brown for six months of the year. How beautiful is that?"
NEW YORK — A dedicated group of vegetable gardeners is ripping out their front lawns and planting dinner.
Their front-yard kitchen gardens, with everything from vegetables to herbs and salad greens, are a source of food, a topic of conversation with the neighbors and a political statement.
It's also a way for many to save money on grocery bills.
Nat Zappia, 32, a graduate student, turned the front yard of the home he and his wife rent in Santa Monica, Calif., into a vegetable garden, with his landlord's permission.
He estimates it supplies 35 to 40 percent of the food they eat.
The gardens don't cost much to plant.
Zappia estimates he spent about $100 on the garden and says he and his wife save about $200 to $300 a year on their food costs.
Bob Waldrop of Oklahoma City said his garden's organic fruit allowed him to eat in a way he could never afford if he bought everything at the grocery store.
"It's like money growing in your yard," he said.
He planted his corner lot almost entirely with fruit trees, berry bushes and vegetables.
Leigh Anders, who tore up about half her front lawn four years ago and planted vegetables, said her garden sends a message that anyone can grow at least some of their food.
That task should shift from agribusiness back to individuals and their communities, said Anders, of Viroqua, Wisc.
"This movement can start with simply one tomato plant growing in one's yard," she said.
Front-yard vegetable gardens are a growing outlet for people whose backyards are too shady or too small, as well as those who want to spread their beliefs one tomato at a time.
The topic has gotten more buzz nationally as bloggers chronicle their experiences and environmentalists have scrutinized the effects of chemicals and water used to grow lawns.
A book called Food Not Lawns, published last year, inspired several offshoot groups.
Other gardeners were inspired by books such as Gaia's Garden: A Guide to Home-Scale Permaculture and The Year I Ate My Yard.
Fritz Haeg, an artist and architect, has done yards in Kansas, California and New Jersey as part of a project called "Edible Estates." Haeg, who is working on a book, Edible Estates: Attack on the Front Lawn, says he's been overwhelmed by the response.
Some neighbors are less than thrilled. Some municipal codes limit the percentage of a yard that can be planted with anything other than trees and grass.
"Especially in the first three years, I got a lot of code violations," said Waldrop of Oklahoma City.
"Now that the plantings have matured, it's pretty," he said. "It wasn't so pretty the first couple years."
Shannon McBride, 47, of Huntsville, Alabama, kept grass borders around her front-yard vegetable beds. "We promised our neighbor we wouldn't grow corn, because that looks kind of tacky," she said.
The neighbor also thought tomatoes looked "untidy," so McBride and her husband are growing bell peppers, carrots, chives, herbs, two kinds of beans, beets, okra, lettuce and cucumbers.
"I'm always asked, 'What will it look like in the winter?'" said Rosalind Creasy, a landscape designer who has been writing about edible landscaping for 25 years. "If you design it well and it has an herb garden, it will look fine. One of the dumbest things I see is dead lawns in the winter. They're brown for six months of the year. How beautiful is that?"
Without U.S. Rules, Biotech Food Lacks Investors
New York Times, July 30, 2007
By ANDREW POLLACK
This little piggy’s manure causes less pollution. This little piggy produces extra milk for her babies. And this little piggy makes fatty acids normally found in fish, so that eating its bacon might actually be good for you.
The three pigs, all now living in experimental farmyards, are among the genetically engineered animals whose meat might one day turn up on American dinner plates. Bioengineers have also developed salmon that grow to market weight in about half the typical time, disease-resistant cows and catfish needing fewer antibiotics, and goats whose milk might help ward off infections in children who drink it.
Only now, though, do federal officials seem to be getting serious about drafting rules that would determine whether and how such meat, milk and filets can safely enter the nation’s food supply.
Some scientists and biotechnology executives say that by having the Food and Drug Administration spell out the rules of the game, big investors would finally be willing to put up money to create a market in so-called transgenic livestock.
“Right now, it’s very hard to get any corporate investment,” said James D. Murray, a professor at the University of California, Davis, who developed the goats with the infection-fighting milk. “What studies do you need to do? What are they looking for?” he said, referring to government regulators. “That stuff’s not there.”
But some experts caution that even if the F.D.A. clears the regulatory path in coming months, investors and agribusiness companies might still shy away. Many fear that consumers would shun foods from transgenic animals, sometimes referred to as genetically modified organisms, or G.M.O.’s.
“The companies we have spoken to have gone organic, and they are very concerned, at least up to the present time, of having G.M.O. associated with their name,” said Cecil W. Forsberg, a professor at the University of Guelph in Ontario, Canada, who helped developed the “Enviropig” with the cleaner manure. Smithfield Foods, for one, the world’s largest hog producer and pork processor, says it is doing no research on genetically engineered animals.
Critics say changing the genes of animals could lead to potentially harmful changes in the composition of milk or meat, like the introduction of a protein that could cause allergic reactions. They say there could also be risks to the environment if, for example, extra-large salmon were to escape into oceans and out-compete wild salmon for food or mates. Some also say that some of the processes used to create transgenic livestock can harm the animals themselves.
The federal guidelines would come after more than 15 years of talks and false starts at the F.D.A., a delay irking not only developers of the transgenic animals but also critics of biotechnology.
“The fact that the agency has sat there for years staring this problem in the face and really hasn’t come up with a clear way to regulate this is abdicating its responsibilities,” said Joseph Mendelson, the legal director of the Center for Food Safety, a Washington advocacy group.
Even now, the F.D.A. will not say when the rules will be ready.
“We want to get it out, but we also want to get it right,” said Julie Zawisza, a spokeswoman for the agency, which declined to make any other officials available for comment.
Some industry executives and former and current government officials say one reason for the delay was that some government officials, in part because of a preference for fewer regulations, wanted less stringent rules than the F.D.A. is considering.
Meanwhile, the biotechnology industry is actually pushing for the tougher standards.
“Our overarching goal is to have public confidence in our products,” said Barbara Glenn, the managing director for animal issues at the Biotechnology Industry Organization, a trade group. “We won’t have that unless we have a very strong review process.”
The F.D.A. is turning to transgenic animals after having tentatively declared in December that milk and meat from livestock that is cloned — but not otherwise genetically manipulated — was safe for people to eat.
The F.D.A. considers clones to be less biologically radical than genetically engineered animals — which instead of being mere replicas of naturally occurring animals are given foreign DNA, usually from another species.
Larisa Rudenko, a senior biotechnology adviser in the F.D.A.’s veterinary drug division, said in a May presentation at the biotechnology industry’s annual convention that each new type of genetically engineered animal would require approval for use in the food supply. That will be done, she said, under the umbrella of existing rules for drugs used in treating animal diseases.
While the implanted gene is somewhat like a drug, the existing rules would have to be stretched to fit.
But industry executives and some former agency officials said it was unlikely that Congress would enact totally new laws for transgenic animals. And using the drug laws, they say, would provide tighter control than an alternative approach of using the rules governing food additives. Agency officials have said that the veterinary drug rules would be used, and they have already been overseeing some experimental work on that basis. But they continued to debate the issue, and the policy has never been made official.
The regulatory guidelines would indicate how the drug rules would be interpreted for transgenic animals, and what types of data would be needed to prove safety and efficacy. But there are open questions about how the drug rules would actually translate. While a chemical drug must be shown to be consistent and stable, for instance, it is unclear how that standard would apply to a gene passed from generation to generation. Some critics say that while the drug rules do provide fairly strict regulation of food safety, there are drawbacks to adapting that approach. Because applications for approval of drugs are confidential, for instance, there would be no opportunity for public comment before the agency acted.
“In order to create confidence in a new technology, you really don’t want behind-closed-door proceedings,” said Margaret Mellon, director of the food and environment program at the Union of Concerned Scientists.
Another worry is that the F.D.A. might not have enough expertise or authority to conduct a vigorous review of the environmental impact of transgenic animals. The F.D.A. has dismissed this concern, however, saying it has sufficient expertise and can consult with other agencies.
The biotechnology regulatory branch of the Department of Agriculture created an animal division last December to figure out what its role should be.
Genetically engineered animals are often created by injecting the gene of interest into a single-cell embryo. A more recent technique that is more efficient is to put the gene into a skin cell and create an embryo from that cell by cloning.
In both cases, the embryo with the foreign gene is then implanted into the womb of a surrogate mother. After some transgenic animals are born, additional ones can be made by conventional breeding, because the foreign gene generally will be passed on to some of the offspring, as would any other gene.
The fast-growing salmon is the transgenic animal that has been swimming upstream the longest at the F.D.A. Its developer, Aqua Bounty Technologies of Waltham, Mass., has been working to win agency approval for about 10 years. Aqua Bounty’s fish are Atlantic salmon that have been given a growth-hormone gene from the Chinook salmon. They have also been equipped with a genetic on-switch from a fish called the ocean pout, a distant cousin of the salmon.
Normally, salmon produce growth hormone only in warmer months, but the pout gene’s on-switch keeps the hormone flowing year round. That enables the Aqua Bounty fish to grow faster, reaching their market weight in about 18 months instead of 30.
Elliot Entis, Aqua Bounty’s chief executive, said the company had already given the F.D.A. studies showing that the fish were healthy and that the implanted gene remained stable over generations.
He said the company also had tests done to show that its fish contained the same level of fats, proteins and other nutrients as other farmed salmon and would not set off unexpected allergic reactions in people who eat them. The fish also taste the same as other farmed Atlantic salmon,
Mr. Entis said.
“Nobody has ever analyzed salmon as closely as we have had done,” he said. But the F.D.A. is asking for more data on safety and potential environmental effects on wild salmon.
Industry executives say the Enviropigs would be the next candidate for F.D.A. approval. The pigs contain a bacterial gene that allows them to produce an enzyme that helps them more fully digest a vital nutrient, phosphorus, in their feed. That means less phosphorus in the manure, which in turn could mean less phosphorus running off into lakes and oceans, where it can cause algal blooms and fish kills.
MaRS Landing, a technology promoting organization in Ontario, is trying to find a corporate partner for the pig, said John Kelly, the agency’s executive director.
Less far along in the approval pipeline are pigs that contain a gene from the roundworm allowing them to produce omega-3 fatty acids, a nutrient normally found in fish that is good for the heart. That, in theory, could make eating pork or bacon healthier, although that has yet to be tested.
Jing X. Kang, an associate professor at Harvard Medical School who helped direct the project, said the researchers were looking for corporate backers while also trying to raise the level of omega-3 in the meat.
Carol Tucker Foreman, director of the Food Policy Institute at the Consumer Federation of America, a consumer advocacy group in Washington, said regulations might not assuage consumers, many of whom object to the genetic engineering of animals on humane or ethical grounds, more than on safety concerns.
“The fact that the F.D.A. has a powerful regulatory process for reviewing genetically engineered animals, far greater than they apply to genetically engineered crops, may not make any difference at all,” Ms. Foreman said. “Because that’s not what it’s all about.”
By ANDREW POLLACK
This little piggy’s manure causes less pollution. This little piggy produces extra milk for her babies. And this little piggy makes fatty acids normally found in fish, so that eating its bacon might actually be good for you.
The three pigs, all now living in experimental farmyards, are among the genetically engineered animals whose meat might one day turn up on American dinner plates. Bioengineers have also developed salmon that grow to market weight in about half the typical time, disease-resistant cows and catfish needing fewer antibiotics, and goats whose milk might help ward off infections in children who drink it.
Only now, though, do federal officials seem to be getting serious about drafting rules that would determine whether and how such meat, milk and filets can safely enter the nation’s food supply.
Some scientists and biotechnology executives say that by having the Food and Drug Administration spell out the rules of the game, big investors would finally be willing to put up money to create a market in so-called transgenic livestock.
“Right now, it’s very hard to get any corporate investment,” said James D. Murray, a professor at the University of California, Davis, who developed the goats with the infection-fighting milk. “What studies do you need to do? What are they looking for?” he said, referring to government regulators. “That stuff’s not there.”
But some experts caution that even if the F.D.A. clears the regulatory path in coming months, investors and agribusiness companies might still shy away. Many fear that consumers would shun foods from transgenic animals, sometimes referred to as genetically modified organisms, or G.M.O.’s.
“The companies we have spoken to have gone organic, and they are very concerned, at least up to the present time, of having G.M.O. associated with their name,” said Cecil W. Forsberg, a professor at the University of Guelph in Ontario, Canada, who helped developed the “Enviropig” with the cleaner manure. Smithfield Foods, for one, the world’s largest hog producer and pork processor, says it is doing no research on genetically engineered animals.
Critics say changing the genes of animals could lead to potentially harmful changes in the composition of milk or meat, like the introduction of a protein that could cause allergic reactions. They say there could also be risks to the environment if, for example, extra-large salmon were to escape into oceans and out-compete wild salmon for food or mates. Some also say that some of the processes used to create transgenic livestock can harm the animals themselves.
The federal guidelines would come after more than 15 years of talks and false starts at the F.D.A., a delay irking not only developers of the transgenic animals but also critics of biotechnology.
“The fact that the agency has sat there for years staring this problem in the face and really hasn’t come up with a clear way to regulate this is abdicating its responsibilities,” said Joseph Mendelson, the legal director of the Center for Food Safety, a Washington advocacy group.
Even now, the F.D.A. will not say when the rules will be ready.
“We want to get it out, but we also want to get it right,” said Julie Zawisza, a spokeswoman for the agency, which declined to make any other officials available for comment.
Some industry executives and former and current government officials say one reason for the delay was that some government officials, in part because of a preference for fewer regulations, wanted less stringent rules than the F.D.A. is considering.
Meanwhile, the biotechnology industry is actually pushing for the tougher standards.
“Our overarching goal is to have public confidence in our products,” said Barbara Glenn, the managing director for animal issues at the Biotechnology Industry Organization, a trade group. “We won’t have that unless we have a very strong review process.”
The F.D.A. is turning to transgenic animals after having tentatively declared in December that milk and meat from livestock that is cloned — but not otherwise genetically manipulated — was safe for people to eat.
The F.D.A. considers clones to be less biologically radical than genetically engineered animals — which instead of being mere replicas of naturally occurring animals are given foreign DNA, usually from another species.
Larisa Rudenko, a senior biotechnology adviser in the F.D.A.’s veterinary drug division, said in a May presentation at the biotechnology industry’s annual convention that each new type of genetically engineered animal would require approval for use in the food supply. That will be done, she said, under the umbrella of existing rules for drugs used in treating animal diseases.
While the implanted gene is somewhat like a drug, the existing rules would have to be stretched to fit.
But industry executives and some former agency officials said it was unlikely that Congress would enact totally new laws for transgenic animals. And using the drug laws, they say, would provide tighter control than an alternative approach of using the rules governing food additives. Agency officials have said that the veterinary drug rules would be used, and they have already been overseeing some experimental work on that basis. But they continued to debate the issue, and the policy has never been made official.
The regulatory guidelines would indicate how the drug rules would be interpreted for transgenic animals, and what types of data would be needed to prove safety and efficacy. But there are open questions about how the drug rules would actually translate. While a chemical drug must be shown to be consistent and stable, for instance, it is unclear how that standard would apply to a gene passed from generation to generation. Some critics say that while the drug rules do provide fairly strict regulation of food safety, there are drawbacks to adapting that approach. Because applications for approval of drugs are confidential, for instance, there would be no opportunity for public comment before the agency acted.
“In order to create confidence in a new technology, you really don’t want behind-closed-door proceedings,” said Margaret Mellon, director of the food and environment program at the Union of Concerned Scientists.
Another worry is that the F.D.A. might not have enough expertise or authority to conduct a vigorous review of the environmental impact of transgenic animals. The F.D.A. has dismissed this concern, however, saying it has sufficient expertise and can consult with other agencies.
The biotechnology regulatory branch of the Department of Agriculture created an animal division last December to figure out what its role should be.
Genetically engineered animals are often created by injecting the gene of interest into a single-cell embryo. A more recent technique that is more efficient is to put the gene into a skin cell and create an embryo from that cell by cloning.
In both cases, the embryo with the foreign gene is then implanted into the womb of a surrogate mother. After some transgenic animals are born, additional ones can be made by conventional breeding, because the foreign gene generally will be passed on to some of the offspring, as would any other gene.
The fast-growing salmon is the transgenic animal that has been swimming upstream the longest at the F.D.A. Its developer, Aqua Bounty Technologies of Waltham, Mass., has been working to win agency approval for about 10 years. Aqua Bounty’s fish are Atlantic salmon that have been given a growth-hormone gene from the Chinook salmon. They have also been equipped with a genetic on-switch from a fish called the ocean pout, a distant cousin of the salmon.
Normally, salmon produce growth hormone only in warmer months, but the pout gene’s on-switch keeps the hormone flowing year round. That enables the Aqua Bounty fish to grow faster, reaching their market weight in about 18 months instead of 30.
Elliot Entis, Aqua Bounty’s chief executive, said the company had already given the F.D.A. studies showing that the fish were healthy and that the implanted gene remained stable over generations.
He said the company also had tests done to show that its fish contained the same level of fats, proteins and other nutrients as other farmed salmon and would not set off unexpected allergic reactions in people who eat them. The fish also taste the same as other farmed Atlantic salmon,
Mr. Entis said.
“Nobody has ever analyzed salmon as closely as we have had done,” he said. But the F.D.A. is asking for more data on safety and potential environmental effects on wild salmon.
Industry executives say the Enviropigs would be the next candidate for F.D.A. approval. The pigs contain a bacterial gene that allows them to produce an enzyme that helps them more fully digest a vital nutrient, phosphorus, in their feed. That means less phosphorus in the manure, which in turn could mean less phosphorus running off into lakes and oceans, where it can cause algal blooms and fish kills.
MaRS Landing, a technology promoting organization in Ontario, is trying to find a corporate partner for the pig, said John Kelly, the agency’s executive director.
Less far along in the approval pipeline are pigs that contain a gene from the roundworm allowing them to produce omega-3 fatty acids, a nutrient normally found in fish that is good for the heart. That, in theory, could make eating pork or bacon healthier, although that has yet to be tested.
Jing X. Kang, an associate professor at Harvard Medical School who helped direct the project, said the researchers were looking for corporate backers while also trying to raise the level of omega-3 in the meat.
Carol Tucker Foreman, director of the Food Policy Institute at the Consumer Federation of America, a consumer advocacy group in Washington, said regulations might not assuage consumers, many of whom object to the genetic engineering of animals on humane or ethical grounds, more than on safety concerns.
“The fact that the F.D.A. has a powerful regulatory process for reviewing genetically engineered animals, far greater than they apply to genetically engineered crops, may not make any difference at all,” Ms. Foreman said. “Because that’s not what it’s all about.”
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